Elderly Korean farmer Kim Chi-gu (김치구, 金致龜) featured in 1943 article fervently donating 150,000 kg of rice to the Imperial Japanese Army every year and receiving honors from Prime Minister Tojo at a formal awards ceremony in Haeju

I wanted to share an intriguing article that I recently came across in an old issue of the Keijo Nippo newspaper, a known propaganda tool for the Imperial Japanese regime during their colonial rule over Korea from 1905 to 1945. This particular article, from 1943, a time marked by the Pacific War and significant food shortages, shines a light on a Korean farmer from Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae province—now part of North Korea.

Original Caption: Patriotic Elder Mr. Kim Chi-gu (top photo), with his eldest son Kim Hyang-gwan (향관, 享寛) (right photo) and his second son Kim Hyang-cheol (향철, 享喆) (left photo)

The article narrates the tale of a farmer who committed to donating an enormous amount of rice—1,000 koku annually (about 150,000 kg) for a decade, starting in December 1938. Typically, stories in this newspaper featured middle to upper-class Koreans as exemplars of loyalty to the Japanese regime, but this one interestingly focuses on a farmer. What makes this story even more unique is the scale of the donation during a time when food scarcity was rampant, and the colonial authorities were desperate to boost agricultural output.

Given the context and the fact that this was a period of harsh exploitation under Japanese rule, the narrative of voluntary large-scale contributions to the Japanese military raises questions. The farmer, described as a model patriot, was likely a wealthy landlord with numerous tenant farmers, which possibly allowed him to make such substantial contributions.

The ceremony awarding him took place in Haeju, also in present-day North Korea. One can only imagine the real motivations and pressures behind such a donation. Given the socio-political dynamics and the subsequent Soviet occupation of the region post-1945, the fate of this farmer, if he didn't manage to flee south, could have been dire under the new communist regime.

What was the real story behind this farmer's "generosity"? This article seems to raise more questions than answers.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 6, 1943

Minister of the Imperial Army Bestows an Award Upon the Patriotic Elder

The Patriotic Elder Has Two Sons

Continued Devotion to Donating Rice for Military Use

Born in the Imperial nation, yet unable to serve in its conquests due to age and frailty, the Patriotic Elder felt the bitter sadness of his unfulfilled duty. A fierce war was raging over the horizon, yet he was allowed to live in relative peace. This made him feel inspired to find a way to somehow repay this Imperial favor which had allowed him to live in such tranquility.

At the end of 1938, the elderly farmer, Mr. Kim Chi-gu (김치구, 金致龜) inspired the military with his pledge to donate ten thousand koku of tenant-farmed rice for military use. This noble act of the Patriotic Korean Elder of Weolsan-ri (월산리, 月山里) in Sain-myeon (사인면, 舍人面), Bongsan-gun (봉산군, 鳳山郡), Hwanghae province, ignited a patriotic fervor among the twenty-four million inhabitants of the Korean peninsula. Five years later, halfway towards fulfilling his original pledge, he still continues to contribute his annual commitment of one thousand koku of rice with each plentiful autumn harvest, and with each contribution, he receives an appreciation certificate. Deeply moved, the Minister of the Imperial Army upgraded this appreciation certificate to a splendid commendation certificate, not only bestowing shining glory upon the Patriotic Elder, but also deeply stirring the hearts of everyone who learned about the full extent of the Patriotic Elder's resolve. [Photo= Patriotic Elder Mr. Kim Chi-gu (top photo), with his eldest son Kim Hyang-gwan (향관, 享寛) (right photo) and his second son Kim Hyang-cheol (향철, 享喆) (top left)]

The story traces back five years. As the Manchurian Incident escalated daily, the valiant efforts of the Imperial troops heralded the robust construction of the Greater East Asia New Order. The Patriotic Elder could no longer sit still in the face of the valiant battles fought by the frontline soldiers and the precious cornerstones of national defense. Starting out as a mere poor farmer, he devoted himself to frugality and hard work, treading on frost in the morning and under the stars at night, challenging the soil to increase and multiply his rice production. He worked himself to the bone and amassed a great fortune in one generation. The pure and honest heart that guided Mr. Kim Chi-gu, a straightforward and devoted farmer, throughout his life, would not allow him to remain passive.

He wrote his donation pledge as follows: "Though my body is already frail and worn, there is no postponing my expression of gratitude to the Imperial favor. As a sign of my devotion to the nation, although modest, I will select the finest rice from my harvest and pledge to donate one thousand koku each year for the next ten years, totaling ten thousand koku of rice for military use. To do so, I will eat potatoes, chew on their skins, and subsist on grass roots. If even a single grain of rice can support the soldiers who are currently fighting, and my feelings are understood, then my joy and my sign of gratitude will be fulfilled." Leaning on his cane, he visited the Japanese Korean Army on the snowy day of December 19, 1938, his donation pledge held close to his body.

"I, though frail and near the end of my life, commit to donating ten thousand koku as military rice. Please accept this humble offering," he continued in this donation pledge written with such moving words with such resolve. "Starting today, I will donate one thousand koku annually until I reach the age of eighty-eight, by which time the total donated amount should be ten thousand koku. Should I pass before then, my two sons, Hyang-gwan and Hyang-cheol, will surely continue this commitment." The Patriotic Elder's firm resolve was entrusted to his sons, sealing their joint commitment in the pledge.

Over five years, each December 19th, one thousand koku of military rice was donated, soon adding up to five thousand koku, amounting to a significant value of 206,527 yen and 8 sen.

The Patriotic Elder, still vibrant and hopeful, looks forward to donating the remaining five thousand koku of rice. His good deeds profoundly moved Minister Tōjō, and three days ago, the Patriotic Elder's sincere devotion was rewarded with a commendation certificate. Representing the Minister of the Imperial Army, Director Kuramo of the Korean Army Military Press Department, accompanied by Captain Hirai of the Patriotic Department, visited Haeju. In the presence of Director Uchida of the Interior Department at the governor's office, a formal award ceremony was conducted, bestowing shining honor upon the deeply moved Patriotic Elder.

Returning five days later following the award ceremony, Director Kuramo spoke highly of Mr. Kim Chi-gu's actions: "Starting from nothing, the elder rose to greatness. Driven by an unstoppable patriotic fervor and a desire to express his gratitude, he resolved to donate one thousand koku of military rice annually. Entrusting this sincere mission to his beloved children due to his old age, his commitment deeply moves and fills us with gratitude. The elder is also profoundly understanding in educational matters and shows deep warmth towards tenant farmers, revered like a benevolent father. Now, as we enter the autumn season of increased food production, let us emulate his noble efforts, live up to the true way of farming, and fervently contribute to the victorious prosecution of the Sacred War."

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年4月6日

愛国翁へ陸軍大臣の表彰

我になお二児あり

熱誠続く軍用米献納

皇国に生を享けて征けぬ身の悲しさ、しかも既に齢老廃の域にあり、身を挺して感恩報国のたたずまいも叶わぬだが激しい戦争が地平線の果てで続けられているとき自分は安穏な暮らしを許されている。何とかしてこの皇恩に報いねばならぬ、と感奮。

昭和十三年の暮れ、小作米一万石を軍用米として献納を発願した半島の愛国翁黄海道鳳山郡舍人面月山里豪農金致龜氏の善行は当時軍部を感激させ、その麗しい至誠は半島二千四百万の愛国の熱情に火を点じた。あれから五年、出来秋とともに翁の発願した年一千石宛の献納は続けられ、その都度の感謝状は今度は陸軍大臣の胸をうち晴れの表彰状授与となり、念願の半ばとはいえ、輝く栄光を担うとともに翁の発願した決意の全貌が判り聴く人毎の感激を呼んでいる。【写真＝愛国翁金致龜氏（上）、と長男享寛（右）、次男享喆（左）の二児】

話は五年前に遡る。支那事変は逐日拡大して皇軍の戦果はあがり大東亜新秩序の逞しき建設調は奏でられる。第一線将兵の勇戦と尊い護国の礎石に対して翁はもうじっとしてはいられなかった。身を一介の貧農に起しひたすら勤倹力行、朝は霜を踏み夕には星を頂いて土に挑んで増米殖産に身を粉にして働き、一代で巨万の富をなした実直一徹な農夫致龜翁の一生を貫いた清純な気持ちが許さなかったのである。

「既に身は老廃しているが、皇恩に報ずるは今日を描いてない、この殉国のしるしにまことに零細ではあるが、今年から向かう十ヶ年間自分の収穫米の中から優良米を選んで毎年一千石宛一万石を軍用米として献納しよう、芋を食べ皮を噛み草の根を食べて、いま戦っている皇軍将兵に一粒の米でもよい、私の気持ちが通ってくれたら自分の喜びは、報恩のしるしは達するであろう」と杖に身を託して献納趣意書を懐に朝鮮軍を訪ねたのは雪降る十三年十二月十九日だった。

「余生幾許もない老廃の身に報恩の記しとして零細ながら一万石を献米いたします。軍用米として受納して下さい」と決心を書きこめた趣意書は胸をつく文字で埋められてある。「発願した今日から年一千石宛を献米すれば、私の齢が八十八の米寿に達した頃にはきっと一万石になるでしょう。しかし万一私の寿命が続かないときは、私には長男、次男の二児があります。この二人長男享寛、次男享喆が必ず必ず代って献納いたします」。翁の決意は同じ征けぬ身二児に至誠の後事を託しての鉄の決意が秘められ、連署しての趣意書だった。

年遷って五年、毎年師走の十九日には一千石の軍用米が献納され、その量早くも五千石に達し、価格にして二十万六千五百二十七円八銭の巨額にのぼっている。

そして翁はなお燦燦たる元気で念願の残る五千石の献米を楽しみにしている。この善行は今回東条陸軍大臣をいたく感激させ、翁の赤誠また報いられて表彰状の下附となった去る三日、陸軍大臣代理として朝鮮軍倉茂報道部長は愛国部平井大尉を伴って海州を訪れ、府尹室において内田内務部長立会して晴れの授与式を行い、感激あふれる翁は、ここに輝く誉れを担ったのであった。

表彰状授与式に臨み五日帰任した倉茂報道部長は金致龜翁の善行を讃えて語る。「赤手空拳、一度に身を起した翁が今日の大をなすとともに愛国の熱意止みがたく報恩のしるしにと毎年一千石の軍用米献納を思い立ち、老いの身故に遺志を愛児に託してのこの至誠はわれわれ胸をうたえるとともに感謝の念に耐えない。翁はまた教育方面にも理解深く、小作人に対しても温情深く、慈父のように仰がれている。いまや食糧増産の秋、翁の尊き努力に倣って真の農道に活き報国の熱意を沸らせて聖戦必勝に挺身されたい」。

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-04-06/page/n1/mode/1up

Niece of Korean collaborator nobleman Yoon Deok-yeong (윤덕영, 尹徳栄) was featured in 1939 article declaring ‘I really want to marry a Japanese man’ and adopting the Japanese surname ‘Izu’ to improve her marriage prospects

The following article from 1939 features a young 21-year-old Korean woman celebrating her newly given ability to change her surname to a Japanese one so that she can find a Japanese husband more easily. 

Miss Yoon Hee-yeong smiling as she reads about the November 1939 decree in the Keijo Nippo Newspaper.

This story was presumably published to encourage Koreans to adopt Japanese last names in the wake of a November 1939 ordinance that was issued to require the creation of Japanese family names for all Koreans.

This young Korean woman was not just any woman, but the niece of a prominent Korean nobleman, Yoon Deok-yeong (윤덕영, 尹徳栄), who is widely reviled in Korea today as a pro-Japanese collaborator. Even being a distant relative of the prominent nobleman appeared to confer advantages for her, since she was able to find employment at Sanseido, a renowned publishing company known for its dictionaries.

Published in Keijo Nippo, the colonial newspaper and official mouthpiece of the Imperial Japanese government that ruled Korea from 1905 to 1945, one propaganda purpose of this article was probably to encourage Korean women to adopt Japanese surnames by enticing them with the prospect of attracting Japanese men more easily. Another propaganda purpose was probably to encourage Japanese men to consider marrying Korean women, as a part of the overall Japanese-Korean Unification (naisen ittai, 内鮮一体) policy of Imperial Japan.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) November 14, 1939

A hopeful start toward the unification of the "family system" [4]

"I really want to marry a Japanese man," says Miss Yoon, relieved from her worries

"It is quite absurd to have two surnames within the same country. Having two surnames naturally divides people, doesn't it? The Japanese language is used as the standard language, while the Korean language is only for home use. Furthermore, Korean is just a local language understood only by people like my parents who don't know the standard language."

Miss Yoon Hee-yeong (윤희영, 尹嬉栄) lives in 2-47 Gye-dong, Seoul, and she is a 21-year-old employee of Sanseido Seoul branch. She continues with glistening eyes:

"If any man comes and spends time in Korea for a year or two, he would understand the merits of Korean women. However, Japanese men judge women merely for having surnames like 'Yoon' or 'Lee', failing to see the goodness within those names."

"It's wrong to dislike someone just based on labels," Miss Yoon argued, her eyes widening slightly. Miss Yoon was born in Gye-dong, Seoul, as the eldest daughter of Yoon Byeong-gu (윤병구, 尹丙求), who is the brother of the great nobleman Yoon Deok-yeong (윤덕영, 尹徳栄). After graduating with honors from Gyeonggi Girls' High School in March 1937, she helped with household chores, sewing, and flower arrangement for about a year.

But she realized that it was hard to get a real-world education unless she went out into the streets. Bravely deciding to join the women's professional front, she started working as a clerk at a branch of Sanseido in Hasegawa-chō (present-day Sogong-ro) in Seoul last December.

On the 31st of last month, even when her colleague Kenjirō Yamamuro (27 years old) was honored with military deployment, Miss Yoon stayed up late at the entrance of Honmachi District, sewing a Sen'ninbari amulet, which deeply moved Mr. Yamamuro.

"Instead of saying that Miss Yoon sent the Sen'ninbari amulet, doesn't it sound more pleasing to the ear with better rhythm if you say that Miss Izu sent the amulet?" Miss Yoon explained. She had never thought about marriage during her school days, but now she feels that it is not a bad time to start considering it at her age. Lately, she occasionally dreams of the future. However, her beautiful dreams had always been marred by the impossibility of changing her surname to a Japanese one.

"If I am really permitted to do so, I'd like to marry a Japanese man … but with my current surname, it's tough," Miss Yoon repeatedly contemplates and agonizes. However, a groundbreaking decree that instantly alleviated the worries of a generation of young women across the Korean peninsula was finally issued. Holding the evening edition of the Keijo Nippo Newspaper from the 9th, Miss Yoon began to worry again while, at the same time, she suppressed the excitement in her chest. Her two cheerful worries were about how to persuade her father and what Japanese surname to choose, leading to her delightful worries about marriage.

[Photo caption: Miss Yoon pondering her cheerful worries]

[Transcription]

京城日報 1939年11月14日

”家族制度”一体へ希望の門出（四）

”妾ほんとは内地の方と結婚したいのですが”

悩みを解消した尹さん

いくら考えて見ても同じ国の人に名字が二通りあると云うことは可笑しいですわ。名字が二通りもあるから自然色別けがつくのではありませんか。内地語は標準語で朝鮮語は家庭だけに、しかもね、標準語を知らないお父さんやお母さんだけに通用する地方語ですもの。

京城桂洞町２の４７、三省堂京城出張所員尹嬉栄さん（２１）はうるんだ瞳を輝かしながら、つづけるのである。

朝鮮に来ていて一、二年経った人なら半島女性の良さも解って呉れるのですが、内地におる方等は名字が「尹」や「李」であるだけで、もうその「尹」や「李」のうちにある良さを見だそうとしないのですわ。

レッテルだけ見て喰わず嫌いになるのはレッテルがいけないのですわ。尹さんはややムキになって細い目尻を大きくした。尹さんは京城桂洞町で朝鮮の名門尹徳栄子爵の遠縁（叔父さんに当たる）尹丙求氏の長女として生れた。昭和十二年三月、京畿高女を優秀な成績で卒業すると一年間ばかり家事の手伝いやお裁縫やお花の稽古をした。

しかし実社会の生きた教育は街頭に出なければ分からない。ここで勇ましくも婦人職業戦線へと意を決し昨年十二月府内長谷川町の三省堂出張所へ事務員として働くことになったのである。

去る三十一日、同僚山室健二郎君（２７）が名誉の出征をした時でも夜遅くまで本町入口に立って千人針を縫って山室君を感激させたこともある。

「あの千人針にしても尹が贈ったんじゃなく、例えば伊豆が贈ったといえば耳に聞こえるリズムもよくはありません？」尹さんは説明する。女学校時代には未だ結婚のことなど考えたことがなかったが、もうそろそろ考えても悪くない年になって来た。この頃は時々未来の夢を描いて見ることがある。しかし、何時も麗しい夢を展ずのは内地式に名字は変えられないかということ、これだけであった。

「私、ほんとうに許して呉れるのなら内地の方と．．．、名字がこれではね」

尹さんは何べんも考えては悶えるのだった。しかし全半島の若い世代を代表する女性達の悩みを一挙に消し飛ばした爆弾制令は遂に発布された。九日京日夕刊を手にした尹さんは躍る胸を押さえながら、またも悩み出したのである。二つの朗らかな悩みを、一つはお父さんを何と口説こうかということと、他の一つは何という内地姓にするかという、悩みを、それは結婚への楽しい悩みにつながるのだが．．．【写真＝朗らかな悩みを悩む尹さん】

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1939-11-14/page/n12/mode/1up

Imperial Japan purged Korean schools of ‘pro-American’ professors, abolished Christian prayers, and labeled the English language as the ‘product of the enemy’, expelled Western missionaries (Dec. 1942)

I wanted to share something quite illuminating and, frankly, disturbing from a historical perspective. It's an excerpt from an article published in Keijo Nippo, the colonial newspaper and official mouthpiece of the Imperial Japanese government that ruled Korea from 1905 to 1945. This piece sheds light on a particularly dark aspect of colonial rule: the aggressive purge of Western influence from Korean educational institutions.

Students at Yeonhui Specialized School performing Kendo training in 1942.

In December 1942, as Imperial Japan marked the first anniversary of the Pearl Harbor attack, a series of articles including this one were released to rally the nation and stir up anti-American sentiment. This article reveals how the colonial government took over and purged schools founded by Western missionaries, especially those with American or British roots, enforcing a dramatic shift towards Imperialist education. This involved not just a curriculum overhaul but a ban on Christian religious practices and an outright demonization of the English language—all in the name of patriotism.

The schools mentioned in this article, which include the precursor to today's Yonsei University (referred to as Yeonhui in the text), have survived to the present day. Yet, back then, they were forced to undergo a radical transformation. The article talks about appointing new principals loyal to the Imperialist cause, erasing all signs of Western influence, and instilling militaristic and nationalistic values among the students. English, once a symbol of enlightenment and modernity, was labeled the "enemy's product."

What's particularly jarring is the narrative's tone—celebrating these changes as victories, as liberations from the supposedly corrupting influence of the West. It's a stark reminder of how totalitarian regimes can twist education into a tool of propaganda, demonizing foreign ideas and enforcing a singular narrative in the name of fostering patriotism and loyalty to the Emperor. By documenting and sharing articles like this, I hope to keep exposing the actions of this unhinged totalitarian regime.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) December 3, 1942

The Wall of Magic Crumbles

Pure souls now arise!

Rushing towards military education and the Japanese language

A year since the expulsion of the British and Americans, Education Edition

Yeonhui Specialized School was a mission school, a prestigious institution directly affiliated with the U.S. and Britain. On October 1st, the Governor-General's Office of Korea appointed Mr. Takahashi as the principal. It was a bolt of lightning from the blue on a clear day. The world praised the decisive action taken by the government, and Mr. Takahashi, the new principal, was fervently encouraged. He raised great expectations, crying out, "Oh Yeonhui, how will you be reborn?"

Yeonhui Specialized School was the first temple for worshiping America and Britain. Its campus was designed to be a magical garden that yearned for America and Britain, with pine greenery, colorful green and red tiled roofs, Western flower beds, and English conversation. It was a bewitching gate to America and Britain.

A direct path to America and Britain was cleverly constructed, and each year, a number of young students, envied by others, were easily sold to America and Britain, with money and stylish suits. Standing on the hill of this magical campus, Principal Takahashi could see that the design of the school's lawn was exactly in the pattern of the Union Jack, which also incorporated the Chinese character (米) for "rice", which represented America. A professor answered that this was because the founder, Dr. Avison, was born in Britain and naturalized in America. Moreover, it is said that until this spring, a statue of the founding principal, Mr. Underwood, was erected at the center of the Union Jack, aiming at the soul of the Korean Peninsula.

That such a school existed in a corner of Imperial Japan until today will surprise many. Students are supposed to study within the relationship of nation = life = school, yet somehow such a school devoted to America and Britain still managed to exist.

Principal Takahashi hurled five school mottos at the academy. The first school motto was, "Understand the true meaning of the National Body, embrace the essence of the Imperial Rescript on Education, refine your thoughts, expand your insights, and thus strengthen your conviction of being subjects of the Imperial nation," and the youth became purified. The students of the academy, who had previously been enchanted by the magic of America and Britain, leaped at these five school mottos.

Morning prayers were abolished. Missionaries disappeared. The religious department was dissolved. Professors considered to be pro-American and pro-British were gone. And "Let's proceed with haste" became the motto among professors and students. A fierce desire to catch up on past delays surged and filled the academy at once. Yeonhui is now undergoing a significant transformation, completely breaking free from the shackles of America and Britain. It's a new morning for Yeonhui, once an American and British academy and outpost like Singapore.

Let's turn our gaze to Ewha Women's Specialized School, the "Yeonhui for girls," which was once an academy and outpost like Hong Kong. Now, a tatami-floored etiquette room has been established. Sacred hemp is offered at the Kamidana Shinto shrine, and in that room, the tea ceremony and flower arrangement are learned gracefully. Japanese women are also being born here. It was October. Female students, who had once proudly spoken English in their conversations as a matter of principle, awakened to the realization that "the English language is indeed a product of the enemy" and devoted themselves to practicing the Japanese language, boldly performing a Japanese language drama at the Seoul Citizens Hall. One might say it feels like a different era when one thinks about it.

It is said that, at both Yeonhui and Ewha, the Americans implemented their deep schemes by demanding the placement of several professors in exchange for substantial financial contributions from the mission. Similar things were happening under the noble names of love for humanity, religion, and education, with secondary schools placed in all the key cities of Korea: Yeonhui (연희, 延禧), Paichai (배재, 培材), Ewha (이화, 梨花), Baewha (배화, 培花), Chungshin (정신, 貞信), Kyungshin (경신, 儆新), Soongsil (숭실, 崇実), Keisung (계성, 啓聖), Youngsaeng (영생, 永生), and Myungduk (명덕, 明徳). They attracted many young male and female students and actually aimed their venomous fangs at the immature souls of the Korean peninsula. Most of these were girls' secondary schools, aiming to infiltrate homes by capturing women's hearts first.

However, all of these schemes have now been cut short. Each school is making a robust advance in the Great Imperial War. Formerly rigid mission school female students are now visiting shrines monthly, comforting brave soldiers in white at army hospitals, and engaging in tennis matches with those soldiers. This is the reality of the Korean peninsula today. All of these can be said to be the spoils of victory at the home front that we won from America and Britain in the first year of the Greater East Asia War.

Severance Medical School also changed its name to Asahi Medical School in that memorable year. What a bright name it has taken! The sound of military training boots is heard in the campus of Asahi Medical School.

Thus, the educational world of the Korean peninsula, having blown away the American and British school atmosphere, will surely become a brilliant exemplar for the construction of the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere. [Photo = Yeonhui Specialized School students engaged in military education]

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1942-12-03/page/n3/mode/1up

[Transcription]

京城日報 1942年12月3日

”魔術の垣”崩れて

清純の魂、今や起つ

軍教に、国語に駈足

米英締め出し、あれから一年、教育篇

延禧専門、それはミッションスクールであった。立派な米英直参の学校であった。そこに十月一日、朝鮮総督府は高橋教学官を校長として任命した。まさに晴天の電霆、世は挙げて本府のとった英断を読め、高橋新校長を激励した。そうして、「延禧よ、如何に新生するか」と絶大の期待をかけた。

延禧専門、それは米英崇拝の第一殿堂であった。その学窓は松林の翠色、赤瓦の色彩的屋根、西洋花壇、英語の会話等々々、遥かに米英を憧憬すべくすべてが装置された魔法の庭であり、米英への妖麗な門であった。

そこから米英への直線路が巧緻に作られていて、年々幾人かの若い学生は他の学生の羨望の中に金と瀟洒な背広とをあてがわれて、やすやすと、その米英へ魂を身売りしたものである。一日高橋校長がその魔法の学園の丘に立って見下ろせば、その校庭の芝生の設計はまさしくユニオンジャックを型どり、そのユニオンジャックはまた米国の『米』という字をも型どったもの、更にこれを追及すれば、創立者アビソンが英国生まれで、米国に帰化した人物である處に由来すると一教授は答えたという。しかもそのユニオンジャックの中心にはこの春まで創立校長アンダウッドの彫像が心中半島の魂を狙った姿で建てられていたという。

そんな学校が今日まで皇国日本の一角に存在していたということ、自体何人もことの意外に驚くであろう。国家＝生活＝学校この関聯の中に身をおいて学を修むべきに、よくもかかる米英、そのままの学校が存在していたものである。

その学園に高橋校長は五ヶ条の校訓を投げつけたのである。その第一条は、「国体の本義に透徹し、教育勅語の旨趣を奉体し、思索を精にし、識見を長じ、以て皇国臣民たるの信念を鞏固ならしむべし」と、青年は正純なり。あれ程に魔法にかけられて来た学園の学生がその五ヶ条に飛びついて来たのだ。

朝の礼拝は無くなる。宣教師は姿を消す。宗教部は解消する。米英系と目されていた教授もいなくなる。そうして「駈足で行こう」そうした言葉が教授、学生の間の合言葉となったのだ。今までの遅れていた分をこの一気に取り返そうとする激しい意欲が澎湃として学園に満ち満ちたのだ。延禧は今大いなる転回をとっている。完全に米英の羈絆から脱却した。米英系学園のシンガポール延禧の新しき朝。

視線を梨花女専に移そう。「女子の延禧」学園の香港であった梨花女専に、今床間のついた作法室が設けられている。神棚には大麻が奉斎され、そうしてその室は茶の湯、生花などが淑やかに学習されている。日本女性はここにも誕生しようとしている。秋十月であった。これまで英語を会話の原則として誇らかに喋っていた女子学生達が「英語こそ敵産なり」と目覚めて国語の修練に努め、堂々国語劇を府民館で公演した。思えば隔世の感ありといってよかろう。

延専にしても梨専にしても、米国はミッションからいくらいくらの金を支出する故教授幾人を入れろという筆法でその深謀が強行されて来たという。それに類することが、宗教と教育という人類愛の美名にかくれて培材、梨花、培花、貞信、儆新、崇実、啓聖、永生、明徳などなど全鮮枢要都市に中等学校が配置され、幾多の青年男女生徒を吸引し、実は毒牙を半島の未熟な魂の上に打ち込んでいたのだ。しかもこれらの殆どが女子中等学校であり、先ず女の心を据えて家庭に喰い入り骨を抜こうという手段だった。

しかしそれらの一切が今は起ち截られた。何れの学校も皇国の大戦に健実な前進をとっている。かつて強硬なミッションスクールの女学生が、今日神社に月詣でしている。又陸軍病院に白衣の勇士を慰問し、その勇士達と庭球の試合に打ち興じている現実が現在の半島なのだ。それらのすべては大東亜戦第一年が米英から奪還し得た銃後の勝利といってよい。

セブランス医専も「その一年」に於いて旭医専と改称した。何という明るい名称をとったことであろう。その「旭」の校庭に軍事教練の靴音を聞く。

かくて米英的校風を吹っ飛ばした半島教育界、それは大東亜すめらあじや建設への輝かしい示範者となるであろう。【写真＝軍教に励む延禧専門学校生】

The Lim Family portrayed as happy, model pro-Japanese Koreans eagerly sending their eldest son Yeongjo to enlist in the ‘honorable’ Imperial Army as his little sister Imako-chan frolics with joy (Dec. 1943)

The Lim Family

This article introduces us to the Lims, portrayed as the ideal Korean family under Japanese rule. The Lims are portrayed as fervently patriotic towards Imperial Japan, eagerly preparing to send their eldest son to fight for the Emperor. The mother is described as worrying whether her son will pass the physical examination required for enlistment in the Imperial Army. This portrayal starkly contrasts with what might be a more common anxiety for Korean mothers today: Suneung college entrance exams.

This piece is just one of the many news articles that I have been uncovering and documenting as part of a broader project to better understand the Korean colonial experience from previously unexplored angles, especially this colonial newspaper that time has mostly forgotten and neglected. By examining these articles, I hope to uncover additional new perspectives into the colonial era of Korean history, which is generally seen as a dark period of national humiliation by the Korean people. I also hope to share additional insights into how the colonial regime sought to shape Korean society and how Korean individuals and families navigated the challenges of life under Imperial Japanese rule.

Almost exactly 2 years later on December 8, 1945, the Korean editors of the newly liberated Keijo Nippo newspaper published a scathing editorial decrying the crimes, injustices, and inhumanities perpetrated by Imperial Japan, including conscription like this one.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) December 10, 1943

Awaiting the Day When He Passes His Exam

The Joyful Family of Mr. Lim

Visiting the Home of a Student Soldier (Last Part of the Series)

Mr. Lim Yeongjo (림영조, 林栄造) and his family reside at No. 90, Gwanhun-dong, Jongno District, Seoul, and the whole family is radiating a bright ambiance. The home of student soldier Yeongjo is also where his father, Mr. Lim Keol (림걸, 林傑), and his mother, Yeongji (영지, 令枝), both not yet over forty-five years old, are in good health. Aside from Yeongjo, the eldest son, he has a younger brother Yusu (유수, 有秀), who is a fifth-year student at Susong (수송, 壽松) National School, and an adorable younger sister, Imako-chan, who attends kindergarten. They are playfully making such a commotion that passersby in the neighborhood cannot help but murmur, "Something significant must have happened in this house."

"I will also go to war following my brother," Imako-chan innocently blurts out. At that point, Yusu interjects, "You can't because you're a girl. War is scary, you know." "It's not scary at all. My brother is a strong soldier, so if I hold his hand, nothing bad will happen," she retorts. "She is always this lively, leaving us no peace. Ha ha ha..." Mr. Lim Keol, a father devoted to the Military Nation, never takes his delighted eyes off his exuberant children. Ignoring the severe cold of winter, it seems that spring has arrived for only this family alone.

This cheerful scene has been repeated every morning and evening since Yeongjo volunteered with a fervent wish to join the honorable Imperial Army. "Even if the children are happy, their joy doesn't quite reach me yet, because I'm anxious about whether he will pass his upcoming examination," his mother Yeongji later said, filled with a mother's typical worries. "If he fails his examination, he can't become a soldier, right?" Up until now, Imako-chan, who had been frolicking, suddenly starts to cry.

"Exactly. More than anyone, our Yeongjo must pass his examination for the sake of his sister and brother. His glorious examination starts on the 11th, but I'm so worried. Ever since he volunteered to be a part of the glorious Imperial Army, I, as his mother, have never felt such a thrilling joy, nor have I ever experienced such anxiety waiting for the day of his examination, to the point where I cannot sleep well at night.

While mothers in mainland Japan are dedicating one, two, or even three to five children to the battlefield for the completion of the Holy War, we mothers on the Korean peninsula have continued to feel ashamed and embarrassed. But now, under the clear blue sky, we Korean mothers can finally walk proudly as mothers of the Military Nation. However, all of this means nothing if he does not pass the examination. I believe this feeling is shared not just by me but by all mothers of new heroes on the Korea peninsula," his mother Yeongji elaborates, watching her child, the student soldier, playfully bounce around with his siblings before going to school.

"Brother, let's go quickly," Yusu calls out, having left a step ahead. "Yeah, let's go," Yeongjo responds. Yeongjo will go to school to build up his martial arts skills, aiming for certain victory in passing the important examination that awaits him tomorrow. Imako-chan is still playfully clinging to the back of her student soldier brother. Standing to see them off, the father and mother murmur, "We look forward to the day when we can send him off to enlist with pride." "Are you and mom just going to send us off here? I'm going to carry the flag and go to the train station," Yusu adds, prompting a burst of laughter. [Photo = The Family Sending Off Yeongjo]

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-12-10/page/n5/mode/1up

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年12月10日

待つ”合格の日”

喜び沸く林君の一家

学兵の家庭を訪ねて（終）

林栄造君、明専（京城府鐘路区寛勲町九〇）朗色に充ち溢れた学兵林栄造の家庭は又父傑氏母令枝さんが四十五を越さない若さで健在し、長男栄造君の下には壽松国民校五年の有秀君と幼稚園に通っている可愛い妹の今子ちゃんがきゃっきゃっと騒ぎ、まわり近所を通る人をして「この家はずいぶんと厳かなことがあったらしい」と呟かせずにはおかないのであった。

「アタイも兄ちゃんについて戦争に行くんだ」今子ちゃんは無邪気を連発する。そこへ有秀君が「お前なんか女の子だから駄目だよ。戦争って怖いんだぞ」と横槍を入れてみせる。「怖くなんかないよ。家の兄ちゃんは強い兵隊さんだから兄ちゃんに手をつないでいれば、なんでもないのよ」何時もこんな風でうるさくて仕様がないんですよ。ハハハ．．．とは打ちはしゃぐ我が子の上にさも愉快そうな瞳を外さない軍国の父傑氏である。峻烈な寒さの冬をよそにして、この一家だけには春がきたようだ。

この明朗な風景は栄造君が念願を叶って名誉ある帝国人軍に志願してからというもの毎日の朝晩繰り返されているという。「今度の検査に合格してみなければ子供達が嬉しがっていても、その喜びが不安で身について来ないんですよ」と母の令枝さんが後で母らしい心配に満ちて一寸曇らせていう。「検査って落ちたら、兄ちゃん兵隊さんになれないの」。今のそれまではしゃいでいた今子ちゃんがみるみる泣きべそ掻いて来る。

「この通りですよ。誰よりも家の栄造はこの妹や弟のためにも合格させなければなりません。栄光の検査は十一日からだそうですけれど心配でなりません。これが誉輝く皇軍の一員に志願してからというものは私は母としてこんなに胸弾む喜びを経験したこともまたないし、検査の日を待つ心配もはじめてのことで、夜もおちおち眠れないのです。

お国を挙げて聖戦完遂のために内地の母親が我が子を一人はおろか二人三人中には五人も揃って戦場に捧げているというのに、私たち半島の母たちは肩身の狭い思いをしつづけていましたが、私たちもいよいよ青天白日の下晴れて大手を振り軍国の母として歩けるのです。それもこれも今度の検査に合格させなくては何にもなりません。これは私ばかりではなく、半島の新しいつわものの母の共通な心持だろうと思います」と令枝さんは登校前を弟妹たちと一しきりはしゃぎ弾む学兵の我が子を見つめて諄々と語るのだった。

「兄ちゃん早く行こうよ」一足先に出立った有秀君の声がする。「ああ行こう」栄造君は明日に控える晴れの検査に合格必勝を目ざして錬武を積む登校をするのだ。今子ちゃんは未だ学兵の背に戯れかかる。見送りに立った父や母は、「晴れて出征をこうして見送る日が楽しみですよ」と呟く。「お父さんとお母さんはここで見送っておしまい？僕は旗を持って駅まで行くんだ」と有秀君の一矢、どっと爆笑が挙った。【写真＝栄造君を送る一家】

Colonial regime forced Korean schools to drop English from the main curriculum to further wartime Imperial Japanese ‘character-building’ education (April 1943)

In April 1943, during the throes of the Pacific War, a notable article was published in Keijo Nippo, the leading national newspaper of Korea under Japanese rule. Keijo Nippo was not just any publication; it served as a propaganda tool for the Imperial Japanese colonial regime, which had a firm grip over Korea from 1905 to 1945. This historical piece offers a fascinating glimpse into how educational institutions were manipulated by the Imperial Japanese colonial regime, reflecting the broader political and ideological battles of World War II.

At the heart of this article is Baewha Girls' High School in Seoul. Founded by American missionaries, Baewha had been shaping the minds of young Korean girls for about half a century by 1943. However, the onset of the Pacific War, where Imperial Japan found itself in a desperate struggle against the United States and Britain, marked a significant shift in the school's approach to education.

The article highlights the actions of the Imperial Japanese principal, who took over after expelling the Americans from the school. One of his significant moves was to alter the curriculum by removing English as a main subject of study. This decision is emblematic of the broader efforts by the Imperial Japanese colonial regime to erase Western influences and assert ideological control.

Interestingly, the removal of English was not absolute. The language continued to be taught to junior students, justified on the grounds that English was necessary for understanding scientific symbols. This nuanced approach to the English language reveals the complexities and contradictions often inherent in such political and ideological shifts.

This historical account from Baewha Girls' High School serves as a poignant reminder of how totalitarian regimes can politicize language itself, using education as a tool to enforce ideological purity. It's a phenomenon that, unfortunately, resonates with similar instances in various parts of the world even today. This article not only sheds light on a specific event in history but also invites reflection on the ongoing impact of political ideologies on education and language.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 6, 1943

Replacing English with Horticulture

Baewha Girls' High School Transforms Under New Leadership

Focus on Moral and Character-Building Education During Wartime

For over 50 years, Baewha Girls' High School had been steeped in enemy American ideologies. However, since the outbreak of war against Britain and America, Baewha has responded to the glorious war achievements of the Imperial Army, and is now sweeping away this educational contamination to accelerate its own Imperialization. Under the leadership of Principal Makiyama and following the directives of the authorities, the school has decided to cut back on English, which had been a central subject in the Korean educational sector, and reallocate that time to activities more suitable for women's moral and character-building education during wartime, such as horticulture and physical exercises, adapting to the practical needs of the times. The school, managed consistently by Americans from its founding until Principal Makiyama took charge, had deeply ingrained adversities from enemy American thought. The transition from Anglo-American ideologies to Imperial education is now underway. Principal Makiyama states:

"Now that we have expelled the Anglo-American influence from Greater East Asia, we must simultaneously discard the harmful ideologies that have infiltrated our lives over many years. My goal is to thoroughly promote true Imperial education, which will be useful for our students whenever they graduate, and to nurture healthy Korean women. While we have eliminated English from our main curriculum, we intend to continue teaching English to junior students as before, for them to learn symbols used in subjects like physics and chemistry."

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年4月6日

英語に代って園芸

敵米人創立の培花高女転身

戦時下情操教育へ

対米英開戦以来、皇軍の赫々たる大戦果に相呼応して五十余年間敵米思想に浸潤した教育の汚染を一掃して皇民化に拍車をかけている培花高女では、牧山校長の音頭で当局の指示に従い、半島教育界の中心科目でもあった英語の一部を切り捨てて、その時間を戦時下の婦人の情操教育に相応しい園芸や遊戯等の実戦即応的時間に充てることになり、同校は創立以来現在の牧山校長が就任するまで終始一貫米人の手に経営されたもので、敵米の思想から受けた弊害は余りにも根強いものがあった。米英思想から皇民教育へと新発足している。牧山校長は語る。

大東亜から敵米英の勢力を追放した今日多年間、我々の生活に浸潤した悪思想も同時に放擲せねばなりません。何時卒業してもお役に立つような真の皇民教育を徹底的に普及して健全な半島女性を育て上げようと思います。英語は正科から切り捨てましたが、今後は物理や化学等の符号を覚えさせるため、下級生にだけは従前通り英語を教えるつもりです。

See also: Baewha students mend military uniforms for Imperial Army (March 1943 article)

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-04-06/page/n3/mode/1up

Model Korean mother left baby and bedridden husband behind at home to work as a clerk for Imperial Japanese Army, praised by boss for happily working overtime, early morning to late at night for 1/3 the usual pay without complaining, even when so exhausted she couldn't see straight (Feb. 1944)

Original caption: Mrs. Ahn reviewing the de-registration records.

This article features Mrs. Ahn, a Seoul native, who in the midst of war, leaves behind her baby and bedridden husband to work as a clerk for the Imperial Japanese Army, presumably handling paperwork for newly enlisted soldiers. Notably, her 7-year-old daughter is tasked with caring for her 2-year-old son, a decision that seems quite extreme by today's standards.

Initially, I surmised that Mrs. Ahn was married to a Japanese man with the surname Hirahara, as they were wed ten years prior to 1944, in 1934. This was before the Sōshi Kaimei, the period when Koreans adopted Japanese-style names en masse. However, I now harbor doubts about this assumption. The reason for my skepticism lies in the name of their son, Huichang, which is so distinctively Korean. This raises the possibility that the newspaper may have 'retroactively' claimed that the family went by the Hirahara name in 1934, even though they might not have adopted that name yet at that time.

Mrs. Ahn's portrayal in the article brings to mind the iconic Rosie the Riveter from the U.S. World War II era. However, unlike Rosie, who symbolized the American women working in manufacturing and production during the war, Mrs. Ahn is depicted as a clerk. Yet, both characters represent women stepping into roles traditionally held by men due to the demands of a global conflict. Mrs. Ahn is shown working longer, harder, and more efficiently than her colleagues, while accepting only a third of the standard pay. By contemporary standards, this portrayal seems to endorse a very toxic work culture, one that valorizes excessive work hours, underpayment, and overwhelming workloads, all in the name of national duty and conservation during the war. It makes me wonder just how much of an impact Imperial Japan's legacy might have had in shaping the work cultures of modern Japanese and Korean societies.

Such representations of 'model workers' were not uncommon in propaganda campaigns globally, but Imperial Japan's approach, particularly its praise for workers who eagerly accept lower wages on top of longer working hours, might be quite unique. Have you ever encountered any other piece of propaganda, anywhere in the world, where the model worker is praised for accepting lower wages?

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) February 5, 1944

Taking Over for Her Sick Husband, Mrs. Ahn Fights Three Times as Hard in Public Service

Working Women [Part 6]

Mrs. Ahn was at home where the warmth of the ondol barely kept the chill at bay. After putting her ten-month-old baby to sleep and attending to her bedridden husband, she boldly declared, 'To defeat the British and American beasts, I must devote myself to public service with all my might!' She cast aside her traditional role and, holding a pen in her hand at the Yongsan District Office, she impressively completed 120 copies of family register transcripts per day, astonishing her male colleagues with her patriotic fervor as a Korean woman.

Mrs. Ahn Gi-jeong (안기정, 安基貞), a 28-year-old resident of Jongno-gu, Doryeom-dong, was born in Seoul, the heart of the Korean Peninsula. She honed her virtues of a good wife and wise mother at the prestigious Gyeonggi Girls High School. Ten years ago, she married into the Hirahara family, building an enviable and harmonious household. Unexpectedly, a few years ago, her husband, the pillar of their family, fell ill. However, with determination and grit, she tirelessly cared for him through the nights without sleep, bravely battling through the ordeal of nursing him to health. Through her tireless care, he is on the path to recovery, just as the massive cannons of the annihilation campaign against the Anglo-Saxons are tearing through heaven and earth like thunderclouds booming on a clear day. In this era, men born in the Empire resoundingly march through the military gates to the beat of their military boots, while women, in place of men, sweat profusely on the production frontlines. She, too, is a woman of the Empire.

Her patriotic sincerity blazes like a flame, which led her to put an end to her indoor, anbang life. 'If my husband cannot serve, I will work twice as hard in his place,' she declared, looking resolute in her navy blue office uniform. Last summer, amid the rainy season, she took up a position in the Yongsan District Office's Family Register and Military Affairs Section. Comforting her two-year-old son, Huichang (희창, 煕昶), who clung to her and refused to leave her breast, she entrusted him to the care of her seven-year-old daughter, Aehui (애희, 愛姫). Starting work at her desk in the district office early in the morning, she immerses herself in her intense job at the office, staying well past 5 PM when most of the office employees leave work. Due to the current state of affairs, the Family Register and Military Affairs Section is so busy that they would even welcome the help of a cat's paw, making it not uncommon for her special duties to continue late into the night.

A glance at her attendance book shows it filled with red marks, half of which are overlaid with a purple stamp indicating 'special duty'. Her physical frame may be slender, but her spirit is robust; she has not missed a single day, akin to the diligence of an ox. Although it is not rare for employees to be diligent, she stands out for processing a large volume of 120 transcripts a day with lightning speed. Moreover, it is astonishing that, unlike the clock’s hands that may err, her writing is completely free of mistakes.

Mr. Tokumaru, the chief of the Family Register and Military Affairs Section, his cheeks flushed with emotion, said, 'If we were to pay a copywriter five sen per page for the amount of work Mrs. Ahn does in a month, it would cost 180 yen in monthly wages. However, Mrs. Ahn's salary is about a third of that. It’s not about the financial bottom line, but it can be considered a way of saving the expenses of the nation in wartime. Mrs. Ahn herself never dreams of criticizing the compensation for her skills. She minimizes her own living expenses and silently spreads fireworks at the tip of her pen. She is truly a treasure of our district office and an example of selfless public service'.

Mrs. Ahn, who passionately speaks of her patriotism for the Korean Peninsula, humbly says, 'When I return home after special duty, sometimes I am so tired that the telephone poles seem to double when I look at them. However, when I think of the brave soldiers of the Imperial Army, who, despite gunfire and heavy rain, fight with the lightness of goose feathers and wield demon-slaying swords in order to accomplish the grand undertaking of this unprecedented era, my fatigue seems insignificant. I fervently wish that more Korean women will take up the important task of supporting the holy war effort, and courageously spread sparks of struggle on the battleline of the workplace.' [Photo = Mrs. Ahn reviewing the de-registration records]

Industrial Association Discussion: At Yongsan Station, a regular discussion meeting was held in the instruction room at 2 PM on February 5th, inviting 170 members of the Seoul Iron and Steel Industrial Association to ensure full preparation for increased production.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年2月5日

病床の夫に代りで奉公

人の三倍も闘い抜く安さん

はたらく女性【６】

肌に粟の生ずる温突に、産声をあげて十ヶ月の幼児と病床の夫をねかし『米鬼英畜を撃つには、公務に粉骨砕身すべきだ』と颯爽と旧套をぬぎすて龍山区役所でペンを握り一日戸籍抄本百二十枚を書きのけ、有髯の男子を唖然たらしめる愛国半島女性がいる。

鐘路区都染町安基貞さん（二八）は半島の心臓部京城に生れ秀才の集る京畿高女で良妻賢母の婦徳を磨き、十年前に平原氏に嫁ぎ、よそ目もうらやましい和やかな家庭を築いて来たが意外にも数年前、大黒柱である主人が病み出した。歯を食いしばって夜も眠らず看病に敢闘した甲斐あって、日に日に見違えるほど恢復路を辿りつつある際、晴天にとどろいた群雲の如くアングロサクソン撃滅の巨砲は天地をつんざき、皇国に生をうけた男子は軍靴の響き高らかに軍門をくぐり、女性は男に代って生産戦線に熱汗を流す時代となった。彼女も皇国女性である。

愛国の至誠は焰と燃えあがり、遂に内房生活を清算したのである。『主人が御奉公出来ねば、私がその代り二倍も働こう』と紺の事務服姿も凛々しく龍山区役所戸籍兵務課に職を奉じたのは梅雨のふりしきる昨夏のことであった。乳房を離れまいと泣きつく煕昶君（二つ）をなだめては七つになる姉、愛姫ちゃんにおんぶさせて家をあとにし、早朝から区役所の机にかじりつき、血のにじむ激務に没頭するのだ。夕刻五時には一般職員は退庁するものの、時局柄戸籍兵務課は猫の手も借りたいほど忙しいので深夜まで特勤のつづく日も稀ではない。

出勤簿をのぞいて見れば赤印で埋まり、その赤印の半数は『特勤』と紫印が重ねて押されている。線は細いが精神力は旺盛なのか、一日も欠勤はないという牛のように勤勉な職員は決して珍しくないが、一日に抄本を百二十枚の多量を電光石火のように処理するのは花形安さんだけという。而も時計の針には、くるいがあっても安さんの字には誤字が皆無というから、なお驚く。

徳丸戸籍兵務課長は感激に両頬を紅潮させる乍ら語る。『安さんが一ヶ月働く仕事の量を一枚書くのに五銭をはらって雇う写字生に頼むと百八十円の月給をはらうことになるが、安さんの俸給はその三分の一位で、ソロバン勘定ではないが、決戦下国費の節約ともいえます。当の安さんは自分の技術に対する報酬の批判は夢にもせず自己の生活は最小限に切り下げ黙々とペン先に花火を散らす彼女こそ我が区役所の宝であり、滅私奉公の亀鑑でしょう』

愛国半島のため万丈の気焰を吐く安さんは謙遜して語る。『特勤して帰宅の際は疲れたせいか、電信柱が二つに見える時もありますが、しかし曠世の鴻業を完遂せんがために硝煙強雨のなか身を鴻毛の軽きにおき、降魔の利剣をふるう皇軍勇士を考えれば何ともありません。半島女性も一日も早く一人でも多く、聖業翼賛の重責を双肩に担い、勇躍職場戦線に敢闘の火花を散らすよう熱願しております』【写真＝除籍簿を調べる安さん】

工業組員懇談：龍山署では五日昼二時訓示室に京城鉄工工業組合百七十名を招き、定例懇談会を開催。増産陣の万全を期することになった。

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1944-02-05/page/n3/mode/1up

How Korean numbers (하나,둘,셋…) are related to Japanese numbers (hito-, futa-, mit-…), as explained by 1938 Japanese linguistics article from colonial regime

I ran into this interesting linguistics article in the June 1938 issue of "Chōsen" (Korea), published as an official propaganda magazine of the Imperial Japanese colonial regime which controlled Korea from 1905 until 1945. A linguist named Nishimura attempts to explain how the native Korean numerals (hana, dul, set) are related to the native Japanese numerals (hito-, futa-, mit-). I am not a modern linguist, so I cannot vouch for the accuracy or quality of this paper. Nonetheless, since the information contained in this paper do not appear anywhere else on the Internet, I thought it would be appropriate to post it here for modern readers to analyze and critique. 

Nishimura often refers to numerals from the Middle Korean language, so the Korean numerals that he mentions in this paper may not necessarily be the modern ones that are used. For example, he gives the Korean number three as 서 (seo) , when the modern Korean number three is actually 셋 (set). To read up on historical Koreanic numerals from ancient times through present day, I recommend reviewing this Koreanic numerals table from Wikipedia. 

The author had a colonialist agenda of justifying the 'Japanese-Korean Unification' policy of suppressing Korean national identity, so this paper should be read in that context, understanding that scholars affiliated with the colonial regime had every incentive to produce research that supported the policies of the regime. There is a possibility that the arguments contained in this paper may have well been used by regime officials to teach Japanese to Koreans during colonial rule.

[Translation]

Japanese-Korean Numerals Common Origins Theory

By Nishimura Shintarō

The comparative study of numerals in both Japanese and Korean languages has traditionally faced difficulties and ended in failure. Consequently, many domestic and foreign scholars have pessimistically declared that Japanese and Korean numerals do not share the same origin. This widespread denial of their common origin is a significant regret in this field.

Many of those who propose theories argue for a closer relationship between Korean numerals and those of various ethnic groups in Central Asia, thereby ignoring the common origin of Japanese and Korean numerals. However, I, without regard to the paucity of evidence, assert their common origins as follows. Whether it is true or not, before I definitively conclude, I first offer this to the deniers and also express my profound respect to my mentor, Dr. Kanazawa Shōzaburō, who has resolutely and independently proposed the theory of the common origin of the fundamental concepts of numerals in both languages for some years.

When the fundamental numerals, which are essential for language comparison, align and correspond between Japanese and Korean, we can gain an unmatched driving force in all aspects of Japanese-Korean Unification. Contrary to the theories of the deniers, who argue that such correspondence is impossible and fundamentally overturns the common origin of the two languages, replacing it with one of the Central Asian language families, the negative impact of such a stance is immeasurable, and it is something that genuinely alarms me.

We should not resolve the truth politically, but when the results of truth align with politics, we must respect it as the natural order. Although the roots of both languages may have originated from the Tianshan mountains and moved eastward, cultivating numerous language families, if the numerals in Japanese, Ryukyuan, and Korean are entirely identical, discarding them to merely discuss the southern or northern routes of the Tianshan would be an inversion of cause and effect.

I believe that we must first establish the complete correspondence of numerals in both languages and then use this as a basis for comparing with other languages like Jurchen, Mongolian, etc.

[Number 1] In Japanese, words like 端 (hana), 初 (hana), 端 (hata), 初 (hatsu), 果 (hate) signify the idea of an extremity or endpoint, and are used in various forms such as 放す (hanasu - to release), 離る (hanaru - to separate), 果つ (hatsu - to end), 削る (hatsuru - to pare), 始じむ (hajimu - to begin). 端 (hata), 果 (hate) correspond to the Korean word 귿 (end). The sounds 'n', 't', and 's' are interrelated, hence Japanese words like 端 (hana), 初 (hana), 梯 (hashi - bridge, ladder), 果つ (hatsu - to end), 削る (hatsuru - to pare) correspond to 귿 in Korean.

The number one is pronounced in Japanese as ヒ (hi), ヒト (hito), ヒトツ (hitotsu), etc. ヒト (hito) can be a variation of ヒタ (hita - pure, straight, large). Derived words like ヒトシ (hitoshi - equal), ヒタスラ (hitasura - merely) are based on ヒト (hito).

In Korean, the number one is 하나 (hana), 한 (han), but in the ancient language, it was 하단 (hadan), and there is also another word 올 (ol), which does not denote an ordinal number but simply means 'alone', 'solely'. This also has many corresponding words in Japanese.

The t sound of 하단 (hadan) changes to an 'n' sound, becoming 하나 (hana). This change is similar to how Japanese 端 (hata) becomes 端 (hana). However, it is not necessary to directly compare these changes.

In the "Miscellaneous Considerations about the Idu Script" by literary scholar Dr. Kanazawa, it is stated that the number one was read as "Katana" according to the Nichūreki Encyclopedia. The Goryeo (Korean) language word 하단 (hadan) shows phonetic alignment with "Katana".

The reason why "Katana" and 하단 (hadan) align is the same reason 하단 (hadan) aligns with 귿 (end).

In Japanese, a slight vowel change in ハタ (hata - end), ハナ (hana - end) results in ヒト (hito - one). The connection between ヒト (one) and all words in this category such as ハタ (end) need not be elaborated further here.

ヒト (one) aligns in both phonetics and semantics with 하단 (hadan) and 하나 (hana) via 귿 (keut).

[Number 2] The number two is 두 in Korean, and フ (fu), フタ (futa), フタツ (futatsu), etc., in Japanese. There are several derived words from 두, such as:

(A) 뚜에 (lid): Without a bottom, there cannot be a lid (フタ - futa). 뚜에 covers the top of the bottom. It inherently contains the meaning of 두.

(B) 뒤 (behind): There is no behind without a front. If you dissect 뒤, it reduces back to 두. 뒤 is a derivative of 두.

(C) There are many others, but they are omitted here.

Now, if you remove the 'フ' (fu) from フタ (lid) and remove the 'ア' (a) from アト (behind), they become 'タ' (ta) and 'ト' (to), naturally aligning in meaning and sound with the Korean 뚜에 and 뒤. The hard sound in 뚜에 is a symbol of omitting one sound, and the 'ア' in アト (behind) is an article, used in the same way as in アツカウ (to handle), アコガル (to scorch), etc.

In Japanese, the number two is called フタ (futa), and in Korean, it is 두. In Japanese, a lid is called フタ, meaning two, and in Korean, a lid is called 뚜에, meaning 두 (two).

The Japanese フタ (two) directly corresponds in sound and meaning with the Korean 두 (two).

There are derivative words of フタ (two) in Japanese, like upper abbreviated 'タ' (ta) and lower abbreviated 'フ' (fu), and similarly, there are numerous derivatives of 두 in Korean, both upper and lower abbreviated. The proof that all these correspond exactly, such as 'アタカモ' (just like, atakamo) being exactly the same in sound as 똑 (just like, ttok), is innumerable, but this will be left for another day.

[Number 3] The number three is 서 (seo) in Korean and ミ (mi) in Japanese.

In the "Samguk Sagi" (Three Kingdoms History), Geography, Volume 4, there is a mention of "Samhyeon County," which was once called "Milpahe." This shows that in ancient Korean, the number three was referred to as 밀 (mil), but as it is now a dead language, this will not be discussed further.

The word for water caltrop is 말 (mal) in Korean, and its meaning is similar to the concept of a grain with edges (稜 - kuri) in Japanese.

Soba (buckwheat) is a grain with three edges (三稜 - mikuri). The 'バ' (ba) in Soba (ソバ) corresponds to 말 in Korean. This is because buckwheat (모밀), wheat (밀), barley (보리), and water caltrop (말) all belong to the same linguistic block. Therefore, the 'バ' in ソバ can be regarded as 말. The 'ソ' (so) in Soba (ソバ) is indisputably associated with the meaning of three. Supporting evidence can be found in the word ソヤ (soya - a type of arrow), where 'ヤ' (ya - arrow) is limited to three feathers, indicating that this 'ソ' (so) also means three. Therefore, it is necessary to conclude that the ancient Japanese reading of the numeral three was 'ソ' (so). Ultimately, 'ソ' (so) and 서 (seo) coincide, and the numerals for three in both languages completely match.

If it is to be proven that this originated from the Jurchen language, that discussion shall be reserved for another time.

[Number 4] The number four is 너 (neo), 너히 (neohi), etc., in Korean, and ヨ (yo) in Japanese.

The term 柶 (ladle) in Korean is 늇 (nyut), which refers to the concept of four trees all looking up towards the sky, hence called 늇 (four directions upwards). There are instances where 늇 is used to represent six trees in divination, and the divination using eight trees is known as the well-known Bagua.

The divination method of laying a single tree in a supine crossed position is practiced by various ethnic groups across the Asian continent, and whether this method exists in mainland Japan is a subject of interesting ethnological research.

It is speculated that the divination method with four trees, 늇, evolved into 너, 네, etc., and then lost its 'n' sound to become 'ヨ' (yo) in Japanese. However, there remains some room for debate regarding this transformation.

[Number 5] The number five is 닷 (dat) in Korean and イツ (itsu) in Japanese. The abbreviated form of イツ (itsu) is 'イ' (i), but this is definitely not the correct pronunciation for five. The 'イ' (i) in イツ is an article, commonly referred to as an introductory or exclamation word. The word with 'イ' (i) removed, leaving 'ツ' (tsu), corresponds to 닷 (dat) in Korean.

[Number 6] The number six is 엿 (yeot) in Korean, which has almost no relation to ム (mu) in Japanese. Initially, it was referred to as 엿, but later it seems that an 'm' sound was inserted, as in ムベ (mube - to declare) and ムマ (muma - horse) in Japanese. However, regrettably, this explanation is not fully established.

[Number 7] The number seven is 닐곱 (nilgop) in Korean and ナナ (nana) in Japanese.

In the "Samguk Sagi" (Three Kingdoms History), Geography, Volume 4, there are references to a "Seven-layered Castle" called 난은별 (Naneunbyeol) in one instance and a "Layered Castle" in another. Also, in the "Yeoji Seungram" (Survey of the Geography of Korea), Gyeonggi Section, there is a mention of the name of a district, Jikseong, referred to as "Seven-layered Castle," "Layered Castle," and 내별 (Naebyeol). 

Naneunbyeol corresponds to 난은 (nan-eun) and ナナ (nana), and Nae in Naebyeol corresponds to 내 (nae) and ナ (na). From the Hanja (Chinese characters) translation of these names as "Seven-layered Castle," it is clear that the ancient Korean word for seven was '나' (na), corresponding to ナナ (nana).

The ancient words 나 (na), 내 (nae) evolved into 니 (ni), and 니롭 (nilrop - cattle and horses at the age of seven) eventually came to be called 닐곱 (nilgop). This change is as evident as seeing fire, and ultimately, ナナ (nana) corresponds to 닐곱 (nilgop).

[Number 8] The number eight is ヤ (ya) in Japanese and 여듧 (yeodeol) in Korean. ヤ (ya) and 여 (yeo) correspond to each other, but the meaning of 듧 (deol) is difficult to determine immediately. 닐곱 (nilgop - seven), 여듧 (yeodeol - eight), 아홉 (ahop - nine) - the '곱' (gop) part in these words seems to be a supplementary word attached to the base word in the upper part.

[Number 9] The number nine is ココノツ (kokonotsu) in Japanese, which is often abbreviated to ココ (koko), コ (ko), etc. In Korean, it is 아홉 (ahop). 아홉 has a 'g' or 'k' sound that corresponds to コ (ko) in Japanese, and 홉 (hop) also corresponds to the 'k' sound of コ (ko). Therefore, 아홉 can be equated to ココプ (kokopu) in terms of pronunciation.

[Number 10] The number ten is 열 (yeol) in Korean and トヲ (towo) in Japanese. Ten is recognized as the largest number in the decimal system, leading to the creation of various derived words. 여러 (yeoreo), although not an ordinal numeral, corresponds to ヨロヅ (yorozu - ten thousand) and ヨロ (yoro - a lot, crowd) in Japanese, both signifying 'a large number,' a fact already well known to the world.

In the "Samguk Sagi" (Three Kingdoms History), Goksan County Records, there is a mention of "Ten Valleys Castle," called Deokdonhol (덕돈홀) in one instance. Deok corresponds to ten, and ton corresponds to valley. This shows that the ancient Korean word for ten was 덕 (deok), which corresponds phonetically with トヲ (towo) in Japanese.

The old Japanese word ツヅ (tsuzu - ten) is also a derivative of トヲ (towo), and 덕 (deok) or 다물 (damul - cattle and horses at the age of ten) correspond with each other in terms of the 't' sound. ソ (so) might be a variation of ト (to - ten).

[Other Numbers] The meanings of 스믈 (seumul - twenty), 마흔 (maheun - forty), 쉰 (swin - fifty) are unclear.

One hundred is 온 (on) in Korean, but it is unclear whether it is an ordinal numeral. The corresponding word for 온 in Japanese is 'ホ' (ho), and 'ホ' and 온 align phonetically. モモ (momo - hundred) requires separate study.

즈믄 (jeumeun) is the old word for one thousand, corresponding to 'チ' (chi) in Japanese.

There is no Korean word for ten thousand; the Japanese ヨロヅ (yorozu - ten thousand) corresponds to 여러 (yeoreo - a crowd), as already mentioned.

In the following, the theory proposed by a certain scholar during the Meiji era regarding the doubling of vowels in numerals to indicate an increase in quantity, is rendered obsolete by the presentation of corresponding numerals in both languages.

It is not only that the fundamental concepts of numerals in both languages are almost identical, but also that the words related to numerals correspond to each other in both languages.

The word カタ (kata - piece, part) has traditionally been considered to originate from one side (一方 - hitokata) of 方 (kata - direction, side). However, since 方 signifies one half of an entity, it is clear that the direction, position-related 方 was derived from 片 (kata - piece, part), reversing the primary subject. カタ (kata) corresponds in both sound and meaning to 가닭 (gadak - branch, division) and has its equivalent in Central Asian languages. 片 (kata) means half, implying a division, and signifies 'one side.' For instance, one shoe of a pair of geta illustrates this, where 片々 (katagata) means each half. Numerals become plural and signify 'a large number' due to frequent usage. 가닭가닭 (gadakgadak) means scattered, disorganized, and this usage aligns in both languages.

マタ (mata - also, again) means two and corresponds to 또 (tto - also, again) in Korean. The hard sound is a symbol of omitting one sound, which appears as 'm' in Japanese.

マタ (mata) becomes マタシ (matashi - all). 가닭 (gadak) has derivatives like 갓 (gat - just, exactly) and 한갓 (hangat - single-mindedly), and there are adjectives like 갓라 (gatra), meaning 'both are equal.' コドシ (kodoshi - like) and 갓라 are obviously synonymous. ヨス (yosu - to add) derives from the meaning of gathering and comes to mean to add. This also corresponds to 여러 (yeoreo - crowd), and words like twisting also relate to 'number.'

ヘス (hesu - to reduce) and ヘル (heru - to decrease) are related to numbers, corresponding to 빼다 (ppaeda - to extract) in Korean. If that is not surprising, then what is?

Above is only the essence of the ordinal numerals in both languages. Even from this, it is clear that the fundamental numerals in both languages are completely equivalent. This forms the basis for the verbs and adjectives in both languages to align and correspond with each other, which is why we re-emphasize the common origins of both languages here.

[Transcription]

国語朝鮮語数詞同一論

西村真太郎

両語数詞の対当は従来難渋に逢着し失敗に終り、内外の諸学者は概ね両語数詞同源ならずと悲観説を発表し、従って両語の同源を根柢から否認する人が多いのは、斯道の為に一大痛恨事である。

説を為す学者の多くは、朝鮮語数詞と中央亜細亜地方の諸民族の数詞との接近対当を主張し、以って国語朝鮮語の数詞の同源を無視するのであるが、吾人は乏しきを顧みず凡そ左の通り其の同一を主張する次第である。当れりや否や、之を吾人が断定する前に、先ず否認論者に一応之を提供し、且つ独り毅然として年来両語数詞の根本観念の同源を創説せられたる恩師金澤庄三郎博士に、深甚なる敬意を奉る。

言語対当の根本たる数詞が国語と朝鮮語と符節を合して相等しい場合に、吾人は内鮮一体の万般の事象に対し強烈無比の推進力を獲得し得たりと云うべく、否認者流の説くが如く、対当不能不可であり、延いては両語の同源を根本から覆えし、之を中央亜細亜語族の一方に置き換えんとするが如きことがあっては、其の悪影響は蓋し測り知る能わざるものがあり、自ら戦慄を禁じ得ないものがある。

真理を政治的に解決するのではなく、真理の結果が政治に合致する場合に、吾人は之を天道として尊崇する。両語の根源が天山に発し、東進して数語族を培養したであろうが、国語琉球語朝鮮語の数詞は全く同一なる場合、其を棄てて徒らに天山南路北路を云々するは、本末を正さんとして却って本末を裏返した事となる。

吾人は両語数詞の完全一致を立証し、次にそれを携げて女真、蒙古等の諸語との対比に向うべきであると信ずる。

（壱）国語端（ハナ）、初（ハナ）、端（ハタ）、初（ハツ）、果（ハテ）は尖端の意で、放す（はなす）、離る（はなる）、果つ（はつ）、削る（はつる）、始じむ（はじむ）等と活用する。端（ハタ）、果（ハテ）は朝鮮語귿（端）と対当である。ｎ音とｔ音とｓ音とは夫々相通であるから端（ハナ）、初（ハナ）、㟨（ハシ）、果つ（はつ）、削る（はつる）等、此のブロック内の語は귿と対当となる。

一はヒ、ヒト、ヒトツ等唱える。ヒトはヒタ（純、直、大）と変音する。ヒトシ（等）ヒタスラ（只管）等はヒトの派生語である。

さて、朝鮮語一は하나、한等であるが、古語は하단（河屯）で、別に올と云うのがあるが之は順序数詞ではなく、単に「単独」の意を有つ語で、之も数多の対当語を国語内に有って居る。

하단（河屯）のｔ音はｎ音に変わると하나となる。此の変化は国語端（ハタ）が端（ハナ）と変化したのと、さも似寄って居る。然し之を直ちに対比せしめないでもよい。

金澤文学博士著『吏読雑考』中に二中暦に一を「カタナ」と訓ずとある。高麗語カタナは하단とは音韻の一致を見る。

カタナと하단とが一致するのと同一の理由で、하단と귿とが一致する。

国語ハタ（端）ハナ（端）の母音を少し変更すると「ヒト」となる。ヒト（一）の意とハタ（端）等の一切のブロック内の語との脉絡関係は、今更茲で述べる必要がない。

ヒト（一）は귿（端）を介して하단（河屯）하나（一）と音韻、語義両ら一致する。

（弐）二は朝鮮語두で国語はフ、フタ、フタツ等である。두の派生語に左の諸語がある。

（A)뚜에（蓋）

底がなければフタ（蓋）が出来ない。뚜에は底の上を蓋う。之に두の意が自ら含んで居る。

（B)뒤（後）

前のない後はない。뒤を解剖すると두に還元する。뒤は두の派生語である。

（C）其の他多数にあるが省略する。

さてフタ（蓋）アト（後）の「フ」「ア」を省くと「タ」「ト」となり朝鮮語뚜에、뒤に自然に意義と音声とが合致する。뚜에の硬音は一音省略の符号であり、アト（後）の「ア」は冠語で、其の用例はアツカウ（扱）アコガル（焦）等の「ア」と同じい。

国語二をフタと云い、朝鮮語二を두と云い、国語蓋を二（フタ）の意でフタと云い、朝鮮語蓋を두の意で뚜에と云う。

国語フタ（二）は直接朝鮮語두（二）と声音、語義が全く相等しい。

フタ（二）の上略「タ」下略「フ」等の派生語もあり、두の上略下略の派生語も数多あるが、それが悉く相等しく「アタカモ」は똑（恰も）と声音其の儘相等しい等の立証は実に無数であるが他日に譲る。

（参）三は朝鮮語서で国語はミである。

三国史記地理、四、三峴県、一云密波兮。とあり、朝鮮古語に三を밀と称えた事は明瞭であるが、今日は死語となって居るから挙論しない。

菱は말（字会）で、語義は稜（くり）のある穀粒の意である。

ソバ（蕎麦）は三稜（みくり）の穀粒である。バは말に対当する。それは모밀（蕎麦）밀（小麦）보리（麥）말（菱）等が皆同一ブロック内の語である事から、ソバのバは말としてよい。ソは三の義である事は争う余地もない。其の傍証はソヤ（征矢）でヤ（矢）の三羽なるに限りてソヤ（征矢）と云うから此の「ソ」も三の意である。故に国語三の古訓は「ソ」であると断定しなければならぬ。遂に「ソ」と서は一致し、三の両語数詞も完全に符節を合する。若しそれ之が女真語から端を発して居る等と証明するのは次回に述ぶべき事に属する。

（肆）四は朝鮮語너、너히等で、国語はヨである。

柶は늇で四木が皆仰天すると늇（四向上）と称える。此の늇を六木として占う場合もあり、八木として卜するのを所謂八卦と称する。

片木を仰臥交叉せしめる占法は、亜細亜大陸の何れの民族もが行ったもので、内地に此の法があるかないかも民族学上面白い考証があると思う。

四木の占法늇が너、네等に変化し、之がｎ音を失って「ヨ」となったと想像するが、果してどうか、之には多少の余地が残る。

（伍）五は朝鮮語닷で国語イツである。イツの下略は「イ」であるが、之が五の正音では決してない。イツのイは冠語で普通所謂発語等と称し、ツに冠した語で之を省いた「ツ」は닷に対当する。

（陸）六は엿でムと殆ど関係がない。初め엿と称えて居ったが、後ムベ（宣）ムマ（馬）等の如くｍを挿入したとも思えるが、遺憾ながら説を成さない。

（漆）七は朝鮮語닐곱で、国語はナナである。

三国史記地理四に七重城、一日難隠別、一日重城。とあり又、輿地勝覧京畿篇に積城郡郡名、七重城、重城、乃別とある。

難隠は난은、ナナに対当し、乃も내でナに対当し之等を漢訳して七を重ねる意で七重城と訳したのを見ると、七の朝鮮古語は「나」であった事が判明し、茲にナナと対当となる。

나、내の古語が니と変化し、니롭（牛馬七歳）となり、遂に닐곱と称えるに至った事は、火を見るよりも明らかに認められる處であり、結局ナナは닐곱と対当となる。

（捌）八は国語ヤで、朝鮮語여듧である。ヤと여とは対当であるが、듧が如何なる意味かは今俄かに判断し難い。닐곱、여듧、아홉の「곱」の類は上部の基本語に付随した補足語であろう。

（玖）ココノツ（九）はココ、コ等と下略する。朝鮮語は아홉である。아홉はｇ又はｋ音でコに通じ、홉もｋ音コに通じ、아홉とはココプと訓むに等しい。

（拾）十は朝鮮語열で国語トヲである。

十を十進法中の最大数と認め、여러なる派生語を生じ、此の여러（衆）は順序数詞ではないが、ヨロヅ（万）ヨロ（丁）に対当し、共に「多数」の語義を有って居る事は、已に世人の熟知して居る處である。

さて三国史記谷山郡誌に、十谷城県、一云徳頓忽。とある。徳は十に対し、頓は谷に対する。茲に朝鮮語十の古語が덕であった事が判明し、トヲと덕とは声音学上の一致を見る。

国語古語ツヅ（十）も「トヲ」の派生語であり、덕又は다물（牛馬十歳）と、ｔ音が互に相応じて居る。

ソ（十）はト（十）の変音であろう。

스믈（二十）마흔（四十）쉰（五十）は如何にしても語義が不明である。

百は온であるが、果して順序数詞かどうか不明である。온の対当語は「ホ」で「ホ」と「온」とは声音学上一致する。モモは別に研究せねばならぬ。

즈믄は千の古語で「チ」と対当である。

万の朝鮮語はなく、国語ヨロヅ（万）は여러（衆）と対当である事は已に述べた。

次に明治年代に某学者に依って発表せられた数詞の母音の倍加で、増数するとの説は、両語数詞の対当の発表に依って、反古に帰する。

両語数詞の根本観念が略一致して居るのみならず、数詞に関連する諸語が互に相等しい事も推知し得られる處である。

カタ（片）は従来一方（ひとかた）の方（かた）から生まれた語とされて居るが、方（かた）は個体の半分を意味する語であるから片（かた）から漢字「方」を充当すべき方角、位置に就いての方（かた）が生れたもので明白に主格が顛倒して居る。カタ（片）は가닭（分派）と声音語義両ら相等しく、가닭は中央亜細亜語にも其の対当がある。片（かた）は半分で「分派」の意であり、「一方」を意味する。下駄片足の如きでが之で、片々は半分宛である。数詞は重用に依って「多数」を意味し、複数となる。가닭가닭はバラバラ、チリヂリの意で、其の重用法は互いに一致して居る。

マタ（又）は二を意味し、朝鮮語또（又）と対当である。硬音はX音で国語ｍとなって顕われたものである。

マタ（又）はマタシ（全）となる。가닭（分派）も、갓（丁度）한갓（一途に）等の派生語があり、갓라の形容詞があり、「二者相等し」の意となる。コドシ（如）と갓라とは言う迄もなく相同じい。ヨス（加）も寄る集る意から派生して加える意となって居る。之も여러（衆）と対当であり、撚る等も之と相関連して「数」に関係のある語と言えよう。

ヘス（減）ヘル（減）も数に関係があり、之が朝鮮語では빼다（抜き取る）と対当となって居る。意外と叫ばずして何と呼べばよいのであろうか。

以上両語順序数詞のエッセンス丈を書いたのであるが、之を以ってしても、言語学上両語対照の根本たる数詞が全く相等しい事が判り、それが根本となって続いて両語の動詞、形容詞が符節を合して相等しくなるのであるから、茲に吾人は両語の同一を更めて強調する次第である。

Source: https://archive.org/details/chosen-v36-1938/page/n894/mode/1up