Elderly Korean farmer Kim Chi-gu (김치구, 金致龜) featured in 1943 article fervently donating 150,000 kg of rice to the Imperial Japanese Army every year and receiving honors from Prime Minister Tojo at a formal awards ceremony in Haeju

I wanted to share an intriguing article that I recently came across in an old issue of the Keijo Nippo newspaper, a known propaganda tool for the Imperial Japanese regime during their colonial rule over Korea from 1905 to 1945. This particular article, from 1943, a time marked by the Pacific War and significant food shortages, shines a light on a Korean farmer from Bongsan-gun, Hwanghae province—now part of North Korea.

Original Caption: Patriotic Elder Mr. Kim Chi-gu (top photo), with his eldest son Kim Hyang-gwan (향관, 享寛) (right photo) and his second son Kim Hyang-cheol (향철, 享喆) (left photo)

The article narrates the tale of a farmer who committed to donating an enormous amount of rice—1,000 koku annually (about 150,000 kg) for a decade, starting in December 1938. Typically, stories in this newspaper featured middle to upper-class Koreans as exemplars of loyalty to the Japanese regime, but this one interestingly focuses on a farmer. What makes this story even more unique is the scale of the donation during a time when food scarcity was rampant, and the colonial authorities were desperate to boost agricultural output.

Given the context and the fact that this was a period of harsh exploitation under Japanese rule, the narrative of voluntary large-scale contributions to the Japanese military raises questions. The farmer, described as a model patriot, was likely a wealthy landlord with numerous tenant farmers, which possibly allowed him to make such substantial contributions.

The ceremony awarding him took place in Haeju, also in present-day North Korea. One can only imagine the real motivations and pressures behind such a donation. Given the socio-political dynamics and the subsequent Soviet occupation of the region post-1945, the fate of this farmer, if he didn't manage to flee south, could have been dire under the new communist regime.

What was the real story behind this farmer's "generosity"? This article seems to raise more questions than answers.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 6, 1943

Minister of the Imperial Army Bestows an Award Upon the Patriotic Elder

The Patriotic Elder Has Two Sons

Continued Devotion to Donating Rice for Military Use

Born in the Imperial nation, yet unable to serve in its conquests due to age and frailty, the Patriotic Elder felt the bitter sadness of his unfulfilled duty. A fierce war was raging over the horizon, yet he was allowed to live in relative peace. This made him feel inspired to find a way to somehow repay this Imperial favor which had allowed him to live in such tranquility.

At the end of 1938, the elderly farmer, Mr. Kim Chi-gu (김치구, 金致龜) inspired the military with his pledge to donate ten thousand koku of tenant-farmed rice for military use. This noble act of the Patriotic Korean Elder of Weolsan-ri (월산리, 月山里) in Sain-myeon (사인면, 舍人面), Bongsan-gun (봉산군, 鳳山郡), Hwanghae province, ignited a patriotic fervor among the twenty-four million inhabitants of the Korean peninsula. Five years later, halfway towards fulfilling his original pledge, he still continues to contribute his annual commitment of one thousand koku of rice with each plentiful autumn harvest, and with each contribution, he receives an appreciation certificate. Deeply moved, the Minister of the Imperial Army upgraded this appreciation certificate to a splendid commendation certificate, not only bestowing shining glory upon the Patriotic Elder, but also deeply stirring the hearts of everyone who learned about the full extent of the Patriotic Elder's resolve. [Photo= Patriotic Elder Mr. Kim Chi-gu (top photo), with his eldest son Kim Hyang-gwan (향관, 享寛) (right photo) and his second son Kim Hyang-cheol (향철, 享喆) (top left)]

The story traces back five years. As the Manchurian Incident escalated daily, the valiant efforts of the Imperial troops heralded the robust construction of the Greater East Asia New Order. The Patriotic Elder could no longer sit still in the face of the valiant battles fought by the frontline soldiers and the precious cornerstones of national defense. Starting out as a mere poor farmer, he devoted himself to frugality and hard work, treading on frost in the morning and under the stars at night, challenging the soil to increase and multiply his rice production. He worked himself to the bone and amassed a great fortune in one generation. The pure and honest heart that guided Mr. Kim Chi-gu, a straightforward and devoted farmer, throughout his life, would not allow him to remain passive.

He wrote his donation pledge as follows: "Though my body is already frail and worn, there is no postponing my expression of gratitude to the Imperial favor. As a sign of my devotion to the nation, although modest, I will select the finest rice from my harvest and pledge to donate one thousand koku each year for the next ten years, totaling ten thousand koku of rice for military use. To do so, I will eat potatoes, chew on their skins, and subsist on grass roots. If even a single grain of rice can support the soldiers who are currently fighting, and my feelings are understood, then my joy and my sign of gratitude will be fulfilled." Leaning on his cane, he visited the Japanese Korean Army on the snowy day of December 19, 1938, his donation pledge held close to his body.

"I, though frail and near the end of my life, commit to donating ten thousand koku as military rice. Please accept this humble offering," he continued in this donation pledge written with such moving words with such resolve. "Starting today, I will donate one thousand koku annually until I reach the age of eighty-eight, by which time the total donated amount should be ten thousand koku. Should I pass before then, my two sons, Hyang-gwan and Hyang-cheol, will surely continue this commitment." The Patriotic Elder's firm resolve was entrusted to his sons, sealing their joint commitment in the pledge.

Over five years, each December 19th, one thousand koku of military rice was donated, soon adding up to five thousand koku, amounting to a significant value of 206,527 yen and 8 sen.

The Patriotic Elder, still vibrant and hopeful, looks forward to donating the remaining five thousand koku of rice. His good deeds profoundly moved Minister Tōjō, and three days ago, the Patriotic Elder's sincere devotion was rewarded with a commendation certificate. Representing the Minister of the Imperial Army, Director Kuramo of the Korean Army Military Press Department, accompanied by Captain Hirai of the Patriotic Department, visited Haeju. In the presence of Director Uchida of the Interior Department at the governor's office, a formal award ceremony was conducted, bestowing shining honor upon the deeply moved Patriotic Elder.

Returning five days later following the award ceremony, Director Kuramo spoke highly of Mr. Kim Chi-gu's actions: "Starting from nothing, the elder rose to greatness. Driven by an unstoppable patriotic fervor and a desire to express his gratitude, he resolved to donate one thousand koku of military rice annually. Entrusting this sincere mission to his beloved children due to his old age, his commitment deeply moves and fills us with gratitude. The elder is also profoundly understanding in educational matters and shows deep warmth towards tenant farmers, revered like a benevolent father. Now, as we enter the autumn season of increased food production, let us emulate his noble efforts, live up to the true way of farming, and fervently contribute to the victorious prosecution of the Sacred War."

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年4月6日

愛国翁へ陸軍大臣の表彰

我になお二児あり

熱誠続く軍用米献納

皇国に生を享けて征けぬ身の悲しさ、しかも既に齢老廃の域にあり、身を挺して感恩報国のたたずまいも叶わぬだが激しい戦争が地平線の果てで続けられているとき自分は安穏な暮らしを許されている。何とかしてこの皇恩に報いねばならぬ、と感奮。

昭和十三年の暮れ、小作米一万石を軍用米として献納を発願した半島の愛国翁黄海道鳳山郡舍人面月山里豪農金致龜氏の善行は当時軍部を感激させ、その麗しい至誠は半島二千四百万の愛国の熱情に火を点じた。あれから五年、出来秋とともに翁の発願した年一千石宛の献納は続けられ、その都度の感謝状は今度は陸軍大臣の胸をうち晴れの表彰状授与となり、念願の半ばとはいえ、輝く栄光を担うとともに翁の発願した決意の全貌が判り聴く人毎の感激を呼んでいる。【写真＝愛国翁金致龜氏（上）、と長男享寛（右）、次男享喆（左）の二児】

話は五年前に遡る。支那事変は逐日拡大して皇軍の戦果はあがり大東亜新秩序の逞しき建設調は奏でられる。第一線将兵の勇戦と尊い護国の礎石に対して翁はもうじっとしてはいられなかった。身を一介の貧農に起しひたすら勤倹力行、朝は霜を踏み夕には星を頂いて土に挑んで増米殖産に身を粉にして働き、一代で巨万の富をなした実直一徹な農夫致龜翁の一生を貫いた清純な気持ちが許さなかったのである。

「既に身は老廃しているが、皇恩に報ずるは今日を描いてない、この殉国のしるしにまことに零細ではあるが、今年から向かう十ヶ年間自分の収穫米の中から優良米を選んで毎年一千石宛一万石を軍用米として献納しよう、芋を食べ皮を噛み草の根を食べて、いま戦っている皇軍将兵に一粒の米でもよい、私の気持ちが通ってくれたら自分の喜びは、報恩のしるしは達するであろう」と杖に身を託して献納趣意書を懐に朝鮮軍を訪ねたのは雪降る十三年十二月十九日だった。

「余生幾許もない老廃の身に報恩の記しとして零細ながら一万石を献米いたします。軍用米として受納して下さい」と決心を書きこめた趣意書は胸をつく文字で埋められてある。「発願した今日から年一千石宛を献米すれば、私の齢が八十八の米寿に達した頃にはきっと一万石になるでしょう。しかし万一私の寿命が続かないときは、私には長男、次男の二児があります。この二人長男享寛、次男享喆が必ず必ず代って献納いたします」。翁の決意は同じ征けぬ身二児に至誠の後事を託しての鉄の決意が秘められ、連署しての趣意書だった。

年遷って五年、毎年師走の十九日には一千石の軍用米が献納され、その量早くも五千石に達し、価格にして二十万六千五百二十七円八銭の巨額にのぼっている。

そして翁はなお燦燦たる元気で念願の残る五千石の献米を楽しみにしている。この善行は今回東条陸軍大臣をいたく感激させ、翁の赤誠また報いられて表彰状の下附となった去る三日、陸軍大臣代理として朝鮮軍倉茂報道部長は愛国部平井大尉を伴って海州を訪れ、府尹室において内田内務部長立会して晴れの授与式を行い、感激あふれる翁は、ここに輝く誉れを担ったのであった。

表彰状授与式に臨み五日帰任した倉茂報道部長は金致龜翁の善行を讃えて語る。「赤手空拳、一度に身を起した翁が今日の大をなすとともに愛国の熱意止みがたく報恩のしるしにと毎年一千石の軍用米献納を思い立ち、老いの身故に遺志を愛児に託してのこの至誠はわれわれ胸をうたえるとともに感謝の念に耐えない。翁はまた教育方面にも理解深く、小作人に対しても温情深く、慈父のように仰がれている。いまや食糧増産の秋、翁の尊き努力に倣って真の農道に活き報国の熱意を沸らせて聖戦必勝に挺身されたい」。

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-04-06/page/n1/mode/1up

The Lim Family portrayed as happy, model pro-Japanese Koreans eagerly sending their eldest son Yeongjo to enlist in the ‘honorable’ Imperial Army as his little sister Imako-chan frolics with joy (Dec. 1943)

The Lim Family

This article introduces us to the Lims, portrayed as the ideal Korean family under Japanese rule. The Lims are portrayed as fervently patriotic towards Imperial Japan, eagerly preparing to send their eldest son to fight for the Emperor. The mother is described as worrying whether her son will pass the physical examination required for enlistment in the Imperial Army. This portrayal starkly contrasts with what might be a more common anxiety for Korean mothers today: Suneung college entrance exams.

This piece is just one of the many news articles that I have been uncovering and documenting as part of a broader project to better understand the Korean colonial experience from previously unexplored angles, especially this colonial newspaper that time has mostly forgotten and neglected. By examining these articles, I hope to uncover additional new perspectives into the colonial era of Korean history, which is generally seen as a dark period of national humiliation by the Korean people. I also hope to share additional insights into how the colonial regime sought to shape Korean society and how Korean individuals and families navigated the challenges of life under Imperial Japanese rule.

Almost exactly 2 years later on December 8, 1945, the Korean editors of the newly liberated Keijo Nippo newspaper published a scathing editorial decrying the crimes, injustices, and inhumanities perpetrated by Imperial Japan, including conscription like this one.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) December 10, 1943

Awaiting the Day When He Passes His Exam

The Joyful Family of Mr. Lim

Visiting the Home of a Student Soldier (Last Part of the Series)

Mr. Lim Yeongjo (림영조, 林栄造) and his family reside at No. 90, Gwanhun-dong, Jongno District, Seoul, and the whole family is radiating a bright ambiance. The home of student soldier Yeongjo is also where his father, Mr. Lim Keol (림걸, 林傑), and his mother, Yeongji (영지, 令枝), both not yet over forty-five years old, are in good health. Aside from Yeongjo, the eldest son, he has a younger brother Yusu (유수, 有秀), who is a fifth-year student at Susong (수송, 壽松) National School, and an adorable younger sister, Imako-chan, who attends kindergarten. They are playfully making such a commotion that passersby in the neighborhood cannot help but murmur, "Something significant must have happened in this house."

"I will also go to war following my brother," Imako-chan innocently blurts out. At that point, Yusu interjects, "You can't because you're a girl. War is scary, you know." "It's not scary at all. My brother is a strong soldier, so if I hold his hand, nothing bad will happen," she retorts. "She is always this lively, leaving us no peace. Ha ha ha..." Mr. Lim Keol, a father devoted to the Military Nation, never takes his delighted eyes off his exuberant children. Ignoring the severe cold of winter, it seems that spring has arrived for only this family alone.

This cheerful scene has been repeated every morning and evening since Yeongjo volunteered with a fervent wish to join the honorable Imperial Army. "Even if the children are happy, their joy doesn't quite reach me yet, because I'm anxious about whether he will pass his upcoming examination," his mother Yeongji later said, filled with a mother's typical worries. "If he fails his examination, he can't become a soldier, right?" Up until now, Imako-chan, who had been frolicking, suddenly starts to cry.

"Exactly. More than anyone, our Yeongjo must pass his examination for the sake of his sister and brother. His glorious examination starts on the 11th, but I'm so worried. Ever since he volunteered to be a part of the glorious Imperial Army, I, as his mother, have never felt such a thrilling joy, nor have I ever experienced such anxiety waiting for the day of his examination, to the point where I cannot sleep well at night.

While mothers in mainland Japan are dedicating one, two, or even three to five children to the battlefield for the completion of the Holy War, we mothers on the Korean peninsula have continued to feel ashamed and embarrassed. But now, under the clear blue sky, we Korean mothers can finally walk proudly as mothers of the Military Nation. However, all of this means nothing if he does not pass the examination. I believe this feeling is shared not just by me but by all mothers of new heroes on the Korea peninsula," his mother Yeongji elaborates, watching her child, the student soldier, playfully bounce around with his siblings before going to school.

"Brother, let's go quickly," Yusu calls out, having left a step ahead. "Yeah, let's go," Yeongjo responds. Yeongjo will go to school to build up his martial arts skills, aiming for certain victory in passing the important examination that awaits him tomorrow. Imako-chan is still playfully clinging to the back of her student soldier brother. Standing to see them off, the father and mother murmur, "We look forward to the day when we can send him off to enlist with pride." "Are you and mom just going to send us off here? I'm going to carry the flag and go to the train station," Yusu adds, prompting a burst of laughter. [Photo = The Family Sending Off Yeongjo]

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-12-10/page/n5/mode/1up

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年12月10日

待つ”合格の日”

喜び沸く林君の一家

学兵の家庭を訪ねて（終）

林栄造君、明専（京城府鐘路区寛勲町九〇）朗色に充ち溢れた学兵林栄造の家庭は又父傑氏母令枝さんが四十五を越さない若さで健在し、長男栄造君の下には壽松国民校五年の有秀君と幼稚園に通っている可愛い妹の今子ちゃんがきゃっきゃっと騒ぎ、まわり近所を通る人をして「この家はずいぶんと厳かなことがあったらしい」と呟かせずにはおかないのであった。

「アタイも兄ちゃんについて戦争に行くんだ」今子ちゃんは無邪気を連発する。そこへ有秀君が「お前なんか女の子だから駄目だよ。戦争って怖いんだぞ」と横槍を入れてみせる。「怖くなんかないよ。家の兄ちゃんは強い兵隊さんだから兄ちゃんに手をつないでいれば、なんでもないのよ」何時もこんな風でうるさくて仕様がないんですよ。ハハハ．．．とは打ちはしゃぐ我が子の上にさも愉快そうな瞳を外さない軍国の父傑氏である。峻烈な寒さの冬をよそにして、この一家だけには春がきたようだ。

この明朗な風景は栄造君が念願を叶って名誉ある帝国人軍に志願してからというもの毎日の朝晩繰り返されているという。「今度の検査に合格してみなければ子供達が嬉しがっていても、その喜びが不安で身について来ないんですよ」と母の令枝さんが後で母らしい心配に満ちて一寸曇らせていう。「検査って落ちたら、兄ちゃん兵隊さんになれないの」。今のそれまではしゃいでいた今子ちゃんがみるみる泣きべそ掻いて来る。

「この通りですよ。誰よりも家の栄造はこの妹や弟のためにも合格させなければなりません。栄光の検査は十一日からだそうですけれど心配でなりません。これが誉輝く皇軍の一員に志願してからというものは私は母としてこんなに胸弾む喜びを経験したこともまたないし、検査の日を待つ心配もはじめてのことで、夜もおちおち眠れないのです。

お国を挙げて聖戦完遂のために内地の母親が我が子を一人はおろか二人三人中には五人も揃って戦場に捧げているというのに、私たち半島の母たちは肩身の狭い思いをしつづけていましたが、私たちもいよいよ青天白日の下晴れて大手を振り軍国の母として歩けるのです。それもこれも今度の検査に合格させなくては何にもなりません。これは私ばかりではなく、半島の新しいつわものの母の共通な心持だろうと思います」と令枝さんは登校前を弟妹たちと一しきりはしゃぎ弾む学兵の我が子を見つめて諄々と語るのだった。

「兄ちゃん早く行こうよ」一足先に出立った有秀君の声がする。「ああ行こう」栄造君は明日に控える晴れの検査に合格必勝を目ざして錬武を積む登校をするのだ。今子ちゃんは未だ学兵の背に戯れかかる。見送りに立った父や母は、「晴れて出征をこうして見送る日が楽しみですよ」と呟く。「お父さんとお母さんはここで見送っておしまい？僕は旗を持って駅まで行くんだ」と有秀君の一矢、どっと爆笑が挙った。【写真＝栄造君を送る一家】

Imperial Japanese Army finally acknowledges Korea’s imminent independence just over a week after liberation (Aug. 23, 1945) with a jumbled announcement full of desperate denials, threats, and unconvincing reassurances to fend off Korean armed resistance

This is another fascinating historical article that I stumbled upon during my visit to the National Library of Korea a few months ago. This piece is a PSA by the Imperial Japanese military authorities addressing the Korean people on August 23, 1945, just over a week after Imperial Japan's unconditional surrender on August 15, 1945, which marked the end of World War II. This immediate 'lame duck' period after Imperial Japan's surrender was one of uncertainty and transition, as the regime awaited the arrival of Allied forces to assume control. It's worth noting that Soviet forces had already entered Korea by August 14th, but American forces did not arrive until September 8.

Ethnic Japanese residents of Seoul planting turnips in their urban garden.

The regime's radio broadcast on August 18th, just 3 days after surrender, was full of bluster with defiant threats to take military action against protesters, but this PSA one week later seems jumbled and confused despite its best effort to put on a brave face, as if the regime is suddenly unsure of how to address the Korean people. Readers at the time would have surely picked up on this and noticed that something was off, that the regime was not its usual confident, optimistic self. Its string of denials, threats, and reassurances no longer sound so convincing, given the regime's diminished stature. The regime does its best to insist that it is still in charge of Korea, but even it has to acknowledge now that Korea is going to be independent soon. Its desperate denials about expropriations, repatriations, leaflets, and atrocities against ethnic Japanese people only seem to confirm the stark truth of those rumors.

To long-time Japanese readers of Keijo Nippo, reading this PSA would have been jarring and distressing. There are no longer calls to destroy the US and Britain, and there is even a sentence insisting that US and Soviet forces are "certainly not bandits". The admonition that "Koreans should deeply realize that Korea will not become independent through war actions" only reveals to readers that Koreans are still waging an armed uprising against the regime. Their stern warning not to listen to the Committees for the Preparation of Korean Independence (조선건국준비위원회) essentially gives these committees free publicity, telling the entire Korean nation about their existence and only accelerating their political rise. The colonial regime is rapidly unraveling and fading into irrelevance before their very eyes, and a new and unfamiliar reality is suddenly setting in.

I have also included two articles that were placed adjacent this PSA, as if to lighten the mood with some optimism. One article is about the reopening of movie theaters, as if the newspaper is encouraging Koreans to have fun watching movies instead of fighting colonialists. The other article is about ethnic Japanese in Seoul still defiantly planting their urban gardens, even though their repatriation to Japan is in the horizon.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) August 23, 1945

Be prudent without any anxiety or hesitation!

The Korean Peninsula before the construction (of a new order)

Hearing from Colonel Gotō about the mindset of the people of Korea and Japan

Since August 15th, due to the sudden change in circumstances, there has been some disturbance among the Korean and Japanese people, which is gradually calming down due to strict punishment by the military authorities. The cause of the disturbance was a failure to accurately understand the current situation and being misled by mere rumors. The military authorities and the Governor-General's Office have declared that security is being maintained, and are requesting a calm and composed attitude from the Korean and Japanese people in handling the new situation. The current situation is such that combat operations have ceased in accordance with the Imperial Rescript, and everything will likely be handled smoothly and peacefully according to the formal and rational ceasefire agreement made with the Allied nations. Some people are under the impression that Korea is already able to have an independent government, but Korea is still under Japanese rule, and Japan's sovereignty remains unchanged. The issue of Korean independence will only come up after all negotiations concerning the Empire with the Allied nations are completed. Below, we will hear from Colonel Gotō of the Press Department of the Korean Military Administration about the current situation, and the mindset of the Korean and Japanese people in dealing with it.

Q: Various rumors are circulating, but what is the actual situation now?

A: According to the formal agreement between Japan and the USA, UK, USSR, and China in Manila, detailed agreements will be made for each place based on its local situation. All processes will be carried out based on these agreements.

Q: So Korea remains under Japanese rule until then?

A: Of course. Korea remains a part of Japan until the agreement is concluded, and it is a matter of course that Japan continues governing Korea. Hence, it is unacceptable for outsiders to interfere at this juncture. Some seem to think that Korea will become independent immediately and start governing from that day, which is a grave misunderstanding. Therefore, no orders should be issued by the Independence Preparatory Committees, and absolutely no one is to be involved with any of their social functions.

Q: However, it seems that some have played a part in expropriation mayhem.

A: The recent attempted expropriation incidents are nothing but banditry. There is neither the right nor basis for expropriations yet. Even among belligerent countries, personal properties are not to be touched. Even the US, at the start of the war, froze assets of Japanese residents but did not seize them. We have been abroad several times, and we cannot remember our personal property ever being seized. Of course, temporary occupation may be conducted for military purposes, but this does not apply to the situation in Korea.

Q: B-24 planes came and dropped leaflets the day before yesterday.

A: I do not think the content of the leaflets was particularly inappropriate. However, some of the wording used had a commanding tone, but they do not have the right to give us orders yet. Probably the translation was poor. We are not to take orders directly from them. We only take orders from His Majesty the Emperor. Therefore, they should negotiate with the Japanese government, and we will receive orders from our government.

Q: There were rumors of harm to mainland Japanese people.

A: That is an absurd story. Such perpetrators will be dealt with by the occupying forces, even if Japan does not take action. The world’s morality would not accept it. If such actions are taken, the situation will only become more complicated. The military exists to protect the lives and properties of civilians. There is a reason why the Imperial Rescript to endure the unbearable was issued. It is also the military's mission to strike down such disruptive elements.

Q: What should be the attitude of Korean people at this time?

A: Koreans should deeply realize that Korea will not become independent through war actions and that independence has not yet been established. Currently, there are only talks about granting independence to Korea, but nothing concrete has been decided yet. Therefore, this autumn is a very important time for the people of Korea. They must carefully consider what actions to take. To make an analogy, even opening a small shop cannot be done in just ten or twenty days. Similarly, Korea will require a considerable process and time until independence. Disruptive actions or confrontations with foreign countries during this crucial period of construction may lose the trust of the Allied forces and could even make independence impossible.

Q: Have military families been repatriated?

A: Do not joke about such matters. Not a single person has been repatriated. However, some families of deployed soldiers who had been living in officers' quarters for a long time have been returned home. This has to do with the intended purpose of the officers' quarters.

Q: What should be the mindset of mainland Japanese people?

A: If they understand the above situation, there should be no reason to panic. I think it is questionable to only think about hurriedly repatriating. It is unlikely that Korea will declare war on Japan as soon as it becomes independent. They should demonstrate the composure of citizens of a great nation. Otherwise, they will only be laughed at by the world. There are two main reasons for causing anxiety among mainland Japanese people. One is the rumor that Korean insurgents might harm Japanese people. However, as said earlier, both Japan and the Allied nations are paying utmost attention to maintaining security, so there is no need to worry. If such an unfortunate incident occurs, it will be dealt with severely, either by Japan or by the occupying forces. The other is the fear that the occupying forces might cause harm, but it is unlikely that they would commit violence in front of international monitors, especially after the ceasefire. The US and Soviet forces are certainly not bandits.

Reopening of Movie Theaters

Citywide Simultaneously from August 25th

The permanent movie theaters within Seoul, which had been closed since August 15th, will reopen all at once on August 25th. In mainland Japan too, thanks to the Imperial mandate, entertainment institutions such as movies, plays, and other performances will resume nationwide simultaneously from the 25th, contributing to the brightening of national life.

Since the issuance of the major conscription, the entertainment industry, including movies, theaters, and other performances, voluntarily suspended their shows as part of self-restraint by the operators. Regarding the reopening of these entertainment activities, the Ministry of the Interior has been actively guiding and nurturing the reconstruction of a healthy and bright national life, and had been preparing a concrete plan for the reopening date and procedure. After discussions with the Information Bureau and industry representatives, permission was granted to reopen these entertainment facilities from the 22nd. Instructions to this effect have been sent to all relevant parties nationwide. At the same time, the restriction on performance times has also been temporarily lifted, allowing for evening performances without issue.

Repatriation to Other Places

Sowing Seeds of Hope in One Tsubo Gardens

People are not hurriedly uprooting vegetables from their one-tsubo (about 3.3 square meters) gardens because of rumors about repatriation to mainland Japan. They are harvesting summer radishes that have come into season for tonight's meal and then sowing turnips and Chinese cabbages to eat in the fall. Someone was seen doing this on August 21st in the evacuation ruins of Kōgane-machi [area immediately to the east of present-day Euljiro 1(il)-ga station].

They have lived in the Korean peninsula for thirty years, built their home here, made Korean acquaintances, and have come to think of the growing beauty of the streets of Seoul as their own family's glory. Even today, the streets of Seoul remain their city, and the talk of repatriation to mainland Japan sounds like just some traveler's tale. The reason they dug air-raid shelters together with Koreans during enemy air raids and endured long periods of inconvenient lighting restrictions was all for the love and protection of the beautiful city of Seoul. It is uncertain whether the Governor-General's Office of Korea will yield its political power after three months or six months as part of the ceasefire treaty, but on the day when Korea steps forward under a new order, the hearts of these people who has loved the Korean peninsula for thirty years will not change.

"I do not feel like returning to my homeland even after the reconstruction of the Korean peninsula is complete, but even if I did go back, someone in Korea would eat these vegetables," said the person with the hoe, wiping sweat while sowing turnips in the post-evacuation vegetable garden.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年8月23日

何の不安迷いぞ慎重たれ

創業前の半島

後藤中佐に聴く内鮮人の心構え

事態の急遽に依る十五日以来の内鮮人間の動揺も軍当局の厳たる処罰に依り漸次平静に復しつつあるが、動揺の原因は現状を正確に認識せず、単なる流言に惑わされた為で、軍当局並びに総督府では治安の確保を言明。新事態に処する内鮮人の冷静沈着な態度を要望している。現在の事態は、聖断を拝し戦闘行為が中止されたのであって、聯合国との間に取り極められた正式合理的な停戦協定に依って平静円滑に総てが処理されるであろう。一部には既に朝鮮が独立政権を行使し得るかの如く考えている向もあるが、未だ朝鮮は日本の統治下にあり、其統治権は微動たもせず、朝鮮の独立は聯合国との間に帝国に関する総ての処理が完了してから初めて議題に上がるのである。以上朝鮮軍管区報道部後藤中佐に現在の事態と、之に処する内鮮人間の心構えを聴く。

問：巷間種々流言が飛んでいますが、現在正確な事態はどうなっていますか？

答：マニラに於ける日本と米英ソ支の間の正式協定によって現地毎に現地の情勢に基いて細部協定が行われる。その協定に基いて総ての処理が運ばれることになろう。

問：それまでは朝鮮は日本の統治下にある訳でしょう。

答：勿論だ。協定が成立して、前に言った処理が完了する迄は朝鮮は依然日本の一部であり、日本が其統治に当るのが当然である。従って此の際他所の者が入って手をつけるが如きことは許されない。一部には直に朝鮮が独立し、其の日から政治を行い得るが如くいうものがあるようだが、誤解も甚だしい。従って独立の準備委員会等から号令を発したり社会機能の如何なることにも絶対に手はつけられない。

問：しかし一部に接収騒ぎを演じたこともあったようですが。

答：最近行われようとした接収事件は正に匪賊行為だ。未だ接収する権利もなければ根拠もない。抑も交戦国同志でも個人の財産には手はつけられないのだ。米国にしても開戦と同時に在住邦人に対し資産凍結令は出したが、其の財産を奪ってはいない。我々も幾度か外国に出掛けたが、未だ個人の財産に手をつけた覚えはない。勿論軍事上の必要があれば一時占領することは行われるかも知れないが、然しそれも朝鮮の事情に於いては適用出来ない。

問：一昨日B24がやって来てビラを撒布しましたが。

答：ビラの内容は別に不穏当ではないと思う。唯命令口調の言葉が一部使用されてあったが、未だ彼等には命令する権利はない。多分訳文が拙かったのだろう。我々は直接彼等から命令を受けるいわれはない。我々が命令を受けるのは唯天皇陛下からである。従って彼等としては日本政府に交渉すべきであり、我々は日本政府から命令を貰うのである。

問：一部には内地人に危害を加えるなどという流言もあったようですが。

答：とんでもない話だ。そんな奴は日本が手を下さずとも進駐軍が処理する。又世界の道義が承知しないだろう。若しそんなことをすれば事態は益々紛糾するばかりだ。軍隊は一般の生命財産を守るために厳存している。忍ぶべからざるを忍べとの聖断が下された謂れもここにある。左様な不穏分子を叩くのも軍の使命である。

問：この際朝鮮人のとるべき態度は？

答：朝鮮人は、朝鮮が戦争行為をもって独立するのでなく、まだ独立の成立もしていないということを深く自覚すべきである。現在のところ朝鮮は独立させてやろうという話だけで、具体的には何も決定していない。従って朝鮮の人々にとっては今が最も大切な秋である。何をなすべきかを慎重に考慮して掛からねばならぬ。早い話が、小さな店を一軒出すにしても十日や二十日では出来ないだろう。これと同様に朝鮮としても独立までには相当の過程と時日を要する。この創業の大切な時期に於いて内輪でごたごたしたり外国と事を構えたりする脱線では聯合軍の信意を失い、独立も不可能にならんとも限らない。

問：軍人の家族は引き揚げになったそうですね。

答：冗談いっては困る。一人も引き揚げてはいない。ただし古くから官舎に居残っていた出征軍人の遺家族は一部帰還させた。それは官舎の用途によるのだ。

問：内地人の心構えは？

答：以上の事態を心得ていたら慌てることもなかろう。急遽引き揚げばかり考えるのはどうかと思う。まさか朝鮮は独立と同時に日本に宣戦を布告するでもあるまい。もっとどっしりと落ち着いて大国民の襟度を示すべきである。こんなことでは世界から笑われるばかりだ。尤も内地人に不安を起させたのは二つの原因を挙げることが出来る。一つは朝鮮の不穏分子が日本人に危害を加えるだろうという流言が飛んだこと。しかし、これは前にも言った如く日本、聯合国ともに治安の確保にもっとも注意しているので心配はない。若しそんな不祥事が起ることがあれば厳重処断されるであろう。それも日本がやらなくとも進駐軍によって行われるであろう。もう一つは進駐軍が危害を加えるだろうということだが、これも列国監視の前でしかも停戦後に於いて暴行を加えられるものではない。米ソ軍は決して匪賊ではないのだ。

映画館の再開

二十五日から府内一斉

十五日から閉鎖していた府内の常設映画館は二十五日から一斉に開館する。内地でも有難き聖旨に副い国民生活の明朗化に一役買って映画演劇興行物など娯楽機関が二十五日から全国一斉に復古再開される。

大召喚発以来、業者側の自粛によって自発的に開演中止となっていた映画演劇寄席その他の興行物の再開については、内務省でもこの際、健全明朗な国民生活の再建の上から積極的な指導と育成を期し、その期日方法など具体案をねっていたが、情報局業者側と打合せの上、二十二日からこれら娯楽機関の再開を許可。その旨全国各関係方面に指令した。同時に上演時間の制限も一応撤廃され、夜間の興行も差支えないこととなった。

引き揚げを他所に

一坪園芸に希望の種播き

内地引き揚げのデマに驚いて一坪農園の蔬菜を急いで抜いているのではありません。時季の来た夏大根で今晩の食膳を飾り、その後にこの秋食る蕪や白菜を播付けている。人が二十一日黄金町の疎開跡にあった。

半島に来て三十年。家を建て、半島の知人もつくり、京城の街の美しく膨らみゆくことをわが家の栄えのごとく思って来た人々にとっては、きょうも京城の街はわが街であり、内地引き揚げなど旅人の言葉にしか聞こえなかった。敵空襲下に半島と一緒になって防空壕を掘ったのも、長い不自由な灯管をつづけて来たのも、みなこの美しい京城の街を愛し護るためだったからだったのである。停戦条約等の段階を踏んで朝鮮総督府が統治権を委譲するのは三ヶ月向うか、半年向うか判らないが、朝鮮がすこやかに新秩序のもとに踏み出して行く日、三十年半島を愛して来た人の心に変りはない。

『私は半島の新建設が遂げられても郷に帰る気持ちはありませんが、よし帰ったとしてもこの野菜は朝鮮の誰かが食べてくれるでしょう』鍬を持つ人は汗を拭う手の下でそう語りながら疎開後の蔬菜園に秋食う蕪を播付けるのである。

【写真＝黄金町にて】

  

A mere 3 days after surrender, liberated Koreans were already attempting to overthrow the colonial regime in Korea, alarming the Imperial Japanese Army who made this radio broadcast on August 18, 1945 to threaten military action against 'individuals harboring evil thoughts'

This is another fascinating historical article that I stumbled upon during my visit to the National Library of Korea a few months ago. This piece is a transcript of a nationally broadcast radio address made by the Imperial Japanese military authorities on August 18, 1945. This date is significant as it's just three days after Imperial Japan's unconditional surrender on August 15, 1945, which marked the end of World War II.

The surrender turned the Imperial Japanese colonial regime, which had ruled Korea from 1905 to 1945, into a 'lame duck' government. This period was one of uncertainty and transition, as the regime awaited the arrival of allied forces to assume control. It's worth noting that Soviet forces had already entered Korea by August 14, but American forces did not arrive until September 8.

Delving into the colonial newspaper Gyeongseong Ilbo from this 'lame duck' era offers a unique and intriguing perspective. It's like watching the implosion of the colonial regime in real-time. The public messaging undergoes a transformation, moving through stages of defiance, denial, minimization, bargaining, and acceptance as the regime grapples with its sudden loss of power.

One of the most striking aspects of this article is its revelation that Korean protesters were already actively attempting to overthrow the colonial regime just three days post-liberation. A key phrase, '鼎の軽重を問わる', plays a crucial role here. It literally translates to 'to disdain the ruler, to destroy him, and to attempt to take over the throne in his place'. For any Korean with advanced knowledge of Japanese, listening to this broadcast or reading this article would have been a clear indication that political control was slipping from the colonial regime's grasp.

Additionally, the article sheds light on the breakdown of public social order, highlighting instances of looting, rioting, and vandalism. The announcer implies that due to this chaos, Koreans could not be entrusted with freedom. This insight offers a rare and candid glimpse into the mindset of the colonial authorities during their final days in power.

I found this to be an incredibly enlightening read, offering a window into a pivotal moment in Korean history. I made the font of the second to the last paragraph very big, in keeping with the original article, which deliberately enlarged the font of those words for emphasis.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) August 20, 1945

Rash Actions Lead To Great Losses

The Welfare of Asia Depends on the Efforts of Each Nationality

On the evening of August 18th, at 7:20 p.m., Mr. Nagaya, the head of the Press Department of the Korean Military Administration, made the following broadcast:

◇

Twenty-six million Koreans, I am wholeheartedly speaking to you now. With the Imperial edict of ceasefire having been issued, the situation in East Asia is at its most critical, requiring cooperation among all nations and ethnicities. However, looking at the situation in East Asia, what we see are reckless and impulsive actions, committing crimes such as attempting a nationalist overthrow of the government, likely due to the actions of individuals harboring evil thoughts. A military notice has been issued as a warning and reminder to all twenty-six million of you. It is heartening to see that wise and beloved Koreans understand this and are engaging in their occupations with a calm demeanor.

However, there are those driven by immediate ambitions, disrupting social order, seeking any possible way to make a personal profit, exploiting the tragic situation in East Asia to make big fortunes, or attempting to disrupt food supplies and damage or loot transportation and communication equipment, engaging in bandit-like activities. The Imperial Korean Armed Forces remain strong and vigilant. Those who still do not realize their wrongdoing and do not change their ways will inevitably face the use of military force, regardless of time and place, as clearly stated in last month’s military administration bureau announcement.

However, if there are still those who persist in their unprincipled conduct and engage in such evil deeds, it is imperative that the Korean people sternly admonish these actions amongst themselves, striving to ensure that such iniquity does not prevail, as I assert. The welfare of Asia can only be achieved through the efforts of all ethnicities. This is not something that can be concluded in a few days or months.

The concrete negotiations for the ceasefire treaty have not yet begun. Even after the treaty is concluded, all processes will only commence following the stipulated dates and procedures.

A historical union is being maintained between the Imperial Army, with its several hundred thousand Korean soldiers as His Majesty's loyal supporters who have shared an oath to live and die together, and the millions of Korean people in mainland Japan. Any disruption to the internal security of Korea, including any obstruction of transportation and communication, will result in the Korean people inflicting great suffering upon themselves, and there will be much to lose. As a consequence, it is clearer than seeing fire that such an ethnicity cannot be granted freedom. The attitude of the Imperial Korean Armed Forces towards this situation is fair, upright, and sincere, and its love for Korea is deeper and broader than any other army in the world.

This sentiment has not changed from the past to the present and will remain unchanged forever. I earnestly hope that especially every ethnic Japanese and Korean member of the ruling class will perceive this point clearly and bravely take the lead in handling the current situation.

*This was the broadcast of Mr. Nagaya, the head of the Press Department

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年8月20日

妄動は大損失招く

亜細亜の福祉は各民族の努力

長屋朝鮮軍管区報道部長は十八日夜七時二十分から左の如き放送を行った。

◇

半島二千六百万諸君、私は情を尽くして唯今お話申し上げる為に停戦の御詔勅渙発あらせられ、今や東亜の事態は各国家、各民族の協同を要する事最も大切な時である。然るに東亜の状況をみますに、観るに発く軽挙妄動、民族鼎の軽重を問わるる如き罪悪を演じているのは、一部の不心得者の動きでありましょう。軍務布告を発して戒め注意を二千六百万各位に告げたのであります。賢明にして親愛なる半島の諸君は之を悟り冷静なる態度を以て各々生業に従事せられている事は感激に耐えざるところである。

然るに一党一派目前の野望に走り唯々社会秩序を乱し何事か私の利を獲得せんとしてか、東亜のこの悲境を奇貨とし或は食糧を遮断し、交通通信機器の破損または掠奪横領を企て治安を害せんとする匪賊的行為に出ずるものがある。朝鮮軍は厳として健在である。今にしてその非を悟らず苟くもその趣を改めずんば、時と場所を問わず断乎武力を行使するの止むなきは先月の軍務局発表によっても明瞭である。

然るに今尚唯々不逞の態度をなす悪行為に及ぶ者ありとすれば、よろしく半島諸君の間に於いて断乎其戒め以て非道なきよう努めねばならないと弁ずる。亜細亜の福祉は各民族の努力によって獲得し得るものであります。而して旬日月余を以て終るべきものではないのである。

停戦条約の具体的交渉は未だ開始されておりません。条約終了後と雖も妥結の日子と順序に従い、一切の処理は始めて着手せられるのである。

軍は半島出身兵数十万を陛下の股肱として同生共死の誓いを保有し、内地も亦数百万の半島人を擁して歴史的結合を持しているのである。半島内治安の妨害、交通通信等の阻害はこれらは半島人自ら自らを苦しめる結果となり、失うところ甚大なるものがある。結果に於いて、斯の如き民族には自由も与えられることなきは火を睹るよりも明瞭である。朝鮮軍の事態に臨む態度は公明正大真実朝鮮を愛するの情は世界の何れの軍隊よりも深くかつ広いのである。

昔より今日に至るも亦永久に此の情はかわらないのである。此の点を明察され、特に内鮮指導階級各位の沈勇にして率先の時局処理に挺身せられんことを望んでやまない。

長屋報道部長放送

In June 1945, Imperial Japan announced a mass mobilization of nearly all able-bodied Korean civilian men ages 12-65 and women ages 12-45 into Volkssturm-like 'Volunteer' Corps (義勇隊) and Suicide Squads (特攻隊) to wage last resort armed combat against Allied troops stepping into Korea

I'd like to bring to your attention a fascinating article from June 1945, which I found in the archives of the National Library of Korea in September this year. This article was published in Keijo Nippo (Gyeongseong Ilbo), the official newspaper and propaganda arm of the Imperial Japanese colonial regime, which dominated Korea from 1905 to 1945.

In June 1945, Imperial Japan was on the losing end of World War II. In a desperate attempt to bolster its fighting strength, it announced the creation of Volunteer Fighting Corps (義勇隊) in Korea. These Corps were to include nearly all able-bodied Korean men aged 12-65 and women aged 12-45. Excluded from this mass mobilization were foreigners, disabled individuals, and pregnant women.

In this announcement, these Volunteer Corps are also described as Specialized Attack Units (特攻隊), which are also known as Suicide Squads notorious for the suicide missions that their members were tasked with accomplishing.

To facilitate the creation of these Volunteer Fighting Corps, a significant reorganization of the colonial government was planned. Previously, Korea was governed by three main pillars: the Governor-General's Office, the Imperial Army, and the Party [Korean Federation of National Power (国民総力朝鮮連盟, 국민총력조선연맹)]. However, the June 1945 reorganization aimed to dissolve the Party and replace it with the Volunteer Fighting Corps, making them subordinate to the military. Interestingly, the neighborhood cell units, known as "Patriotic Groups" (JP: aikoku-han, KR: aeguk-ban, 愛國班), which were instrumental in local governance and control of the Korean populace, were to be retained as units within these new Volunteer Corps.

These Volunteer Corps were essentially a last resort, hastily organized militias that would have presumably been used as cannon fodder in bloody, fanatical last-stand battles—much like what was seen in the Battle of Okinawa—if Japan had not surrendered by August 1945.

Unfortunately, there's a gap in the historical record about what actually happened to these Volunteer Corps by August 1945, especially concerning whether or not they were used against Soviet troops entering Korea. It's a subject ripe for further research. The article also raises logistical questions, such as how children as young as 12 and old men up to 65 would have been trained for combat. It also raises questions of loyalty as to whether Korean civilians would have really cooperated to become combatants in the service of Imperial Japan. Essentially, the article poses more questions than it provides answers.

It will be noted that the age ranges of the Volunteer Corps were actually more draconian than the Volkssturm, which only conscripted males between the ages of 16 and 60 years, so this counts as one aspect where Imperial Japan was actually more extreme than Nazi Germany.

The article is surprisingly detailed and accessible as it explains things plainly in a Q-and-A format. I hope you find this historical snippet as intriguing as I did. It serves as a stark reminder of the lengths to which a colonial regime would go to maintain control, even in the face of impending defeat.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) June 17, 1945

Peninsula's Volunteer Fighting Corps: Inquiring with Mr. Harada, the Planning Section Chief of the Governor-General's Office

In recent days, we are engaged in production and defense, and if an emergency arises, we will take up arms and swords to charge at the enemy. The long-awaited path for our peninsula's Volunteer Fighting Corps has been opened. Military, government, and civilians are united, and the 26 million residents are truly united in becoming Specialized Attack Units. What kind of fighting spirit will ignite among these Volunteer Fighting Corps, and what capabilities will be demonstrated? We ask Mr. Harada, the key person in the formation of the Volunteer Corps, for the full picture.

Mr. Harada, the Planning Section Chief of the Governor-General's Office.

They shall now rise up to guard the Imperial Nation: Fervent Vows for the Volunteer Corps

The homeland is now in the middle of becoming a heated battlefield. Why should we allow our precious homeland, protected since the time of our ancestors, to be conceded to the vile enemy? It is our honorable duty as Imperial subjects to fight to protect our homeland and our workplaces. Is that not our most intense desire? Now, even the Korean peninsula is embodying the basic righteousness of all citizens who are becoming soldiers befitting a divine nation to form the Volunteer Fighting Corps.

Old and young, men and women, each citizen is burning with loyalty to annihilate the American devils and protect the Imperial nation. We take pride in our steadfast national organization in the countryside, factories, and various regions. Should the enemy ever set their hideous feet on our peninsula, we, the Volunteer Corps members, will rise up under the Grand Mandate to destroy the enemy. Upon the news of the formation of the Volunteer Fighting Corps in the peninsula, a total uprising is pledged in workplaces, regions, and schools, guiding the surging fighting spirit in various areas.

Patriotic Groups to Remain But Placed Under Military Command During Combat

**Q: How is its organization different from mainland Japan?

**A: It has a centralized structure. In other words, there is a general headquarters.

**Q: What about its operational aspects?

**A: We have established a leadership section that emphasizes the unique circumstances of Korea. Responding to the needs of the Imperialization Movement, we emphasized the spirit and cultural guidance of the general populace and organized our structure accordingly. We have carefully incorporated remaining functions from the previous organizations of the Federation such as the Women's Association and Youth Groups. In the aspect of leadership, considerable consideration is given to these unique circumstances of Korea, and careful planning is done accordingly.

**Q: When will the organization be fully established?

**A: Given the urgent war situation that demands the quick establishment of defense organizations, we aim to finalize its structure from the headquarters to the grassroots level by early July. Grand and fervent founding ceremonies will be held at various levels (cities, towns, townships, team units) to invigorate the spirit.

**Q: Who will be excluded from the Volunteer Corps, which includes males from 12 to 65 years old and females from 12 to 45 years old?

**A: The Volunteer Corps is a national organization, so everyone should be included. However, those who are physically unable, or pregnant, will not be able to become Volunteer Corps members in practice.

Foreigners are excluded

**Q: What about foreigners?

**A: They are entirely excluded due to the nature of the Volunteer Corps. However, we will consider them separately for labor.

**Q: Will various groups like the boys' corps, youth corps, reserve corps, and girls' corps be organized within regions or job sectors, or separately?

**A: They will be organized within regions and job sectors, and they will be formed as the need arises. They are not permanent organizations, but rather they are emergency organizations.

**Q: So, are they optional organizations? They do not necessarily need to be established?

**A: They must be organizations where public sentiment is strong. They are not bound by any laws or regulations. Therefore, while the form of the organization is not prescribed, every citizen should join their respective corps, as they are all part of the battle line.

**Q: What about the age requirements for each member of the boys' corps?

**A: Further announcements will be made.

**Q: What will be the relationship between the Volunteer Corps and the Student Corps which will be formed in the future?

**A: Student Corps will serve under the Volunteer Corps.

**Q: What kinds of people should be chosen to be deputy commanders, advisors, and counselors of the general command and the provincial commands, and the deputy commanders of the regimental units? I think the problem lies in how these people are selected. I think it is necessary to appoint bold personnel in order to prevent the organization from becoming a bureaucracy.

**A: Those who assume these positions must be the best leaders, so their selection is extremely important. We will not let this organization become a bureaucracy. The reason for placing a government official in command or as a captain is to integrate the organization with the administrative structure, so that the execution of orders can be swift and thorough. Moreover, their personalities are to be based on the will of the people, so the commanders and captains should be able to discern public sentiment. Therefore, the selection of the deputy commanders, advisors, counselors, and others will be skillfully appointed from among the government officials and ordinary civilians. So, I hope that these mid-level people will readily assume leadership positions without hesitation.

The leaders will be government officials and ordinary civilians

**Q: Who will be selected for the leadership sections and committees? Will they be selected from government officials or ordinary civilians?

**A: Both. Especially for the leadership sections, they must be powerful, so we are selecting them from both groups. It is not just ordinary civilians like before in the Federation. This is where we aim to differ from the Federation.

**Q: Which national organizations will be disbanded for the formation of the Volunteer Corps? Just the Federation, Women's Associations, and Youth Corps?

**A: Only those three for now. Military Support Associations, Labor Employee Support Associations, and Education Associations, among others that rely on this, are not national organizations but special-purpose groups, so they will continue to exist. Other groups with various names like associations, youth, and patriotic organizations are optional groups and are not national organizations, so they will naturally remain and join the Volunteer Corps separately by region or job sector.

**Q: What will happen to the functions of the Korean Federation of National Power?

**A: Preparations for its dissolution are already underway from today. So, in effect, its central functions have ceased, but until the Volunteer Corps is formed, the provincial and town Federations will continue to operate, so their connections with Patriotic Groups will not be severed until then.

**Q: What will happen to the Federation staff?

**A: Appropriate measures will be taken, and we intend to assist them in finding jobs as much as possible.

**Q: What will happen to Patriotic Groups when the Federation disappears and the Volunteer Corps is formed?

**A: We will strengthen the Community Associations and Patriotic Groups as terminal administrative structures. The top-down structure will clearly be Prefecture, District, Community Association, and Patriotic Group, in this order. As this becomes the foundation for the Volunteer Corps, the administration and the Volunteer Corps will become inseparable, and the command and order system will be unified. The name 'Patriotic Group' will remain the same.

Implementation of Combat Training

**Q: What about the Civil Defense Corps?

**A: For the time being, they will be left as they are. However, when the structure and content of the Volunteer Corps are established in the future, they will be incorporated into the Volunteer Corps' security teams. The Civil Defense Corps was established by Imperial decree, so its structure cannot be arbitrarily changed. Until a new decree is issued, it will keep its previous name, but in reality, it will operate as a security team within the Volunteer Corps.

**Q: Who will give the orders for guidance?

**A: For the labor force, the prefecture, town (eup), and township (myeon) leaders will be in charge. For firefighting and air defense, the police station chiefs will take command.

**Q: What will happen to veterans?

**A: Their individual cases will be handled on a per-Volunteer Corps basis. However, the continuity of the Veterans Association itself is still uncertain.

**Q: Under whose command will they be when transitioning to a combat posture? Who will be the team leader in this case?

**A: When transitioning to a combat posture, they will, in principle, be under military command. The team leader at that time will be the original Volunteer Corps team leader.

**Q: When the Volunteer Corps enters actual combat, they will need combat skills. How will continuous training be conducted?

**A: Of course, appropriate training will be necessary. This must be done in consideration of their completion of regular job duties, so that they refrain from working into the night. Therefore, adjustments will be made for the timing and methods so that training does not interfere with production.

**Q: How will that be done?

**A: Necessary adjustments will be done, and the details will be decided by the mid-level structure.

[Translation]

京城日報 1945年6月17日

半島の国民義勇隊:原田本府企画課長に訊く

日ころは生産に防衛に、一日応急あれば銃とり剣を扭って敵に突撃せんとする。待望のわが半島の国民義勇隊の進発路が拓かれた。軍、官、民一連となり、二千六百万在住民が真に一体となって特攻隊たらんとする。この国民義勇隊は如何なる戦意が燃えたち、性能が発揮されるか。その全貌について義勇隊編成の立役者原田総督府企画課長に説いて貰う。

今ぞ起つ皇国護持：義勇隊へ沸り立つ誓意

郷土は今や酣なる決戦場と化しつつある。祖先以来護り抜いて来た尊い郷土を何で醜敵に許そうぞ。郷土を守り職場を死守して戦うことこそわれら皇国民の光栄ある実務であり、痛切なる欲望ではないか。今や半島も我国兵制の神国たる国民皆兵の根本義を具現して国民義勇隊が結成される。

老いも若きも男女を問わず国民の一人一人が米鬼撃滅、皇国護持の忠誠心に燃え立ち時いたるまでは農村に工場に各地域でその不動の国民組織を誇り、敵一度わが半島に醜足をかけんか、われら国民義勇隊員は敵撃滅の大号令の下起ちあがるのだ。半島に国民義勇隊結成の報伝わるや職場に地域に学校に全半島をゆるがし総蹶起を誓う各方面のたぎり立つ戦意を導いた。

愛国班は存続：戦闘時は軍の指揮下

問：内地と違うところは組織の上でどこか？

答：中央機構だ。つまり総司令部である。

問：運営の部面では？

答：指導部を設けた、朝鮮の特殊事情―一般民衆の精神、文化指導を強調している。これは皇民化運動の必要性に応えたものだ。次は機構を組織的にした、こうしたところに重点を置いて従来の聯盟婦人会、青年団のような残能を加入して指導の面に特殊事情の考慮を多分に然も慎重に構えている。

問：組織結成はいつごろ終るか？

答：防衛組織を一刻も急ぐ戦局なので、早急実現を期し七月初旬までには総司令部から末端まで陣容、機構共に確立させ府、邑、面、隊などでは盛大、熱烈な結成式を挙げて大いに精魂を沸らせる。

問：満十二歳から満六十五歳までの男子、満十二歳から満四十五歳までの女子とする義勇隊員中、これより除かれる者はどういう者か？

答：義勇隊は全国民の組織だから一応誰も彼も組織の中に含まれなくてはならない。しかし不具者、妊娠などは実際上は活動不可能なので、これらの者は義勇隊者になれない。

外国人は除外

問：外国人はどうするか？

答：義勇隊の性質上全然除外している。しかし勤労の場合は別途に考える。

問：少年隊、青年隊、予備隊及び少女隊など男女各部隊は地域或いは職域の中で組織されるか、または別途で組織されるか？

答：地域、職域の内部に組織するが、これは必要により編成される。即ち常時編成ではなく非常組織だ。

問：するとそれは任意の組織か、即ち設けても設けなくてもよいのか？

答：あくまでも民意の盛りあがるところの組織でなくてはならない。決して法規で縛ったものではない。だから形は任意の組織であっても、国民一人残らず戦列に加わっている以上、当然各隊にそれぞれ加入すべきである。

問：少年隊以下各隊員の年齢別はどうなるか？

答：追って更に発表する。

問：将来生れる学徒隊と義勇隊との関係はどうなるのか？

答：学徒隊として義勇隊に服することとなる。

問：機構のうち総司令部と各道司令部の次長、顧問及び参与、聯合隊の副隊長はどういう人を具体的に選ぶか？問題はこの人選如何にあると思う。官製化を防ぐためにも思い切った人材を起用する必要があると思うが如何？

答：これらの部署に就く人は最も良き指導者でなくてはならぬので、人選が余程大事である。決して官製にはさせない。司令とか隊長に官を据えることになったのは行政組織と一体化させるためだ。即ち命令の敏速徹底を期しているのだ。しかもそれは性格としてあくまでも民意に基づくものだから司令、隊長は民意の趣くところを察してやるべきである。従って次長、副隊長、顧問、参与等の人選は巧みに官民を起用する。だからこのような中堅層にどしどし指揮をして戴くことを期待する。

指導者には官民両方

問：各指導部及び指導委員会の人々にはどういう人を選ぶか？指導部の職員は官吏か？民間人か？

答：何れも官民両方だ。殊に指導部あたりは要素で強力でなければならないから両方からとることとなった。これまでの聯盟のように民からばかりでない。即ちここが狙いどころで聯盟と違うところだ。

問：義勇隊の組織のために解散する国民組織は聯盟、日婦、青年団のみか？

答：差しあたりそれだけだ。軍人援護会、勤労職員援護会、教育会その他これに頼する団体は国民組織でなく、特殊目的の団体だからそのまま存続する。なお外の団体で何々協会とか、青年、愛国団体などこれはいわば任意団体であり、国民組織でないので残るのは勿論で地域や職域に別途で義勇隊に入るようになる。

問：国民総力朝鮮聯盟の機能は今後どうなるのか？

答：今日からすでに解散準備をしている。だから事実上中枢機能はなくなったわけだが、義勇隊が結成されるときまでは道、府聯盟が執務するので、町聯盟、愛国班関係はそのときまでつながりが絶えないわけである。

問：聯盟の職員はどうするか？

答：適当にやるわけだが、出来るだけ職を世話するつもりだ。

問：聯盟がなくなり義勇隊が出来ると愛国班はどうなるのか？

答：町会、愛国班を通じて末端行政機構として強化する。即ち府―区―町会―愛国班とはっきりとその体系が画然となる。それを義勇隊の基盤とするのだから行政と義勇隊とは不離一体、指揮命令系統が一本化してくるところに愛国班のより以上の強力さがある。なお愛国班の名称はそのままにする。

戦技訓練実施

問：警防団は？

答：差しあたり置いておく。しかし将来義勇隊の機構や内容が確立のときは義勇隊の警備隊に包含するようになる。警防団は勅令によって設立されているので、勝手には機構変革が出来ないわけで勅令が出るまでは名称は以前警防団とし、実在は義勇隊として警備隊に活動する。

問：その指導命令は誰がとるのか？

答：勤労の場合は府、邑、面隊長。消防、防空の場合は警察署長が指揮をとる。

問：在郷軍人はどうなるのか？

答：個人関係は義勇隊毎になる。しかし在郷軍人会自体としての存続如何はまだ判らない。

問：戦闘態勢に移る場合はどこの指揮に入るか？この場合の隊長は誰がやるのか？

答：戦闘態勢に入ると原則として軍の指揮下に入る。このときの隊長はもとの義勇隊隊長だ。

問：義勇隊が実戦に入ると戦技を必要とするが、これの不断の訓練はどうする？

答：勿論相当の訓練を必要とする。これには平素の職任の完遂を睨み合せて夜働きなどを慎まなければならぬと思う。そこで時期、方法などに調整を保ち生産に差支えのないように訓練を施す。

問：その方法如何？

答：必要なる調節を基幹としてその要項も中堅機構が決めることとなる。

Japanese Keijo Nippo reporters interviewed Korean abductee held captive in May 1939 by Kim Il-sung’s Korean communist guerrillas in Taehongdan (대홍단, 大紅湍)-the fighters mostly conversed in Chinese, abducted young men for recruiting, beheaded comrades for breaking strict male-female conduct rules

I found these remarkable 1939 Japanese articles about Kim Il-sung and his comrades in Keijo Nippo (Gyeongseong Ilbo), the official propaganda newspaper of the Imperial Japanese colonial regime that governed Korea from 1905 to 1945. The article from June 23, 1939 takes us on an interesting journey into the aftermath of the Battle of Taehongdan of May 1939, offering a unique perspective that has long been overshadowed by the North Korean account of this historical event.

Colonial security forces standing in front of Mr. Horimoto's home, which was raided by Kim Il-sung's men in May 1939.

What sets the June 23rd article apart is its exclusive interview with a Korean abductee who spent five harrowing days in captivity with none other than Kim Il-sung's band of guerrilla fighters. While the North Korean narrative has dominated online discussions, we now have a rare opportunity to compare it with the Imperial Japanese account of what transpired during that fateful battle.

One intriguing parallel that emerges is the number of casualties. Kim Il-sung's "Reminiscences" state that there were two injuries and one fatality on his side, as documented in Volume 7, page 187. In contrast, the Korean abductee's account reveals that 2 or 3 guerrillas were injured, with one of them severely. However, the Korean abductee goes a step further by providing fascinating insights, such as the revelation that the working language of the guerrillas was predominantly Chinese. Surprisingly, they only switched to Korean when communicating with the Korean abductee, who couldn't converse in Chinese.

This revelation seems to challenge Kim Il-sung's apparent need for a member fluent in Chinese to act as a liaison with ethnic Chinese in southern Manchuria, as implied in pages 82-83 of Volume 7 of his "Reminiscences." Indeed, according to Soviet archives, when Kim arrived in Korea in August 1945, his Korean was not very good, though he was fluent in Chinese and conversant in Russian, and he had to be fed a speech to learn and practice reading aloud in Korean (Source: The Impossible State: North Korea, Past and Future by Victor Cha). The question arises: why did Kim Il-sung conceal the fact that his group primarily communicated in Chinese during this period?

Another eye-opening aspect of the Korean abductee's testimony is the use of abduction as a recruitment tool to bolster their ranks with young individuals. Furthermore, we have an account from a Japanese abductee featured in another newspaper article published a few days earlier than the one describing Taehongdan, though it provides fewer details and focuses mainly on Kim Il-sung's appearance.

These extraordinary articles opens up a treasure trove of historical insights and raises thought-provoking questions about the Battle of Taehongdan and Kim Il-sung's guerrilla forces. Here is a link to the English copy of the Reminiscences of Kim Il Sung on the Marxists website. Select the Volume 7 and search the PDF for 'Taehongdan' for the relevant passages.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) June 23, 1939

Anti-Bandit Frontline Reconnaissance (6)

The Bandits are Mostly Young Men

We hear from the abductees about the daily lives of the bandits

The Final Course

Since the tenth was the anniversary of that incident, everyone unusually gathered at eight in the morning. Now we headed to our final destination: Taehongdan (대홍단, 大紅湍) in the innermost part of the foot of Mount Jangsan (장산령, 長山嶺). We got on a truck, and the journey began in Samjang (삼장, 三長). Diverging from the riverbank road at Samsang-dong (삼상동, 三上洞), we followed the small streams, enduring the truck's violent rolling for several hours on treacherous mountain roads. Just before noon, we arrived at Kaetak-dong (개탁동, 開拓洞). During the journey, we were guarded by several security personnel, including Deputy Police Chief Shiramizu, who had joined us from Samsang-dong, and they also pushed the truck when it stalled.

Kaetak-dong is a rafting area for Northern Korean Paper Manufacturing, where about 50 raftsmen live. On the 24th of last month, it suffered the most significant damage in the recent incident when bandits attacked and abducted head raftsman Sakamoto Tetsuji (age 35) and around twenty others, plundering 900 yen in cash. Today, Mr. Horimoto's house, one of the places attacked by the bandits, stands forlornly deserted on a corner of the riverbank.

We were welcomed here by Deputy Police Chief Shimatsu (Elite Provincial Division), and after trekking for another two Ri (7.9 km) on terrible roads, we arrived at Taehongdan. We paid a consolation visit to the Shimatsu squad, immediately turned around our vehicle, and returned to Kaetak-dong. While dwelling on the past in the vacant house of Mr. Horimoto, a victim of the vividly distressing bandit attack, we ate our "Hinomaru" bento boxes. Here, we gathered around Kim Jae-ho (김재호, 金在濠) (age 42), who was abducted by bandits for five days, underwent hardships deep in the dense forest, and recently managed to escape. We listened to his testimony, an honest eyewitness account of the bandits' daily life. Here is a summary:

Abductee's Account

Q: What were the circumstances when you were abducted?

A: The bandits stormed into my house and immediately told me to carry some things and follow them. They forced me to carry rice and chestnuts, and took me away.

Q: What kind of weapons did they have?

A: They had unusually long guns, regular rifles, short pistols, and long swords.

Q: What were they talking about?

A: Initially they spoke in Chinese, so I could not understand them.

Q: What did they look like?

A: They were mostly young men under 30. There were six women among them who wore a top that resembled a military uniform and a bottom like a Korean Chima (skirt).

Q: What happened when they encountered the security forces and engaged in combat?

A: While they were fleeing, they encountered the security forces and fought four or five times. They just kept telling us to run and pulled us along aimlessly.

Q: How many casualties did the bandits have?

A: Two or three were wounded near the Cheonwang-dang (천왕당, 天王堂) area in Taehongdan. One was severely injured, and one of the abductees had to carry him.

Q: How many bandits were there?

A: They were divided into several groups of about ten people each. When the sun set, many more gathered from all around the foot of Mount Jangsan. I did not count, but there might have been about 300. They set up 13 tents and slept there. The tents were larger than this house and had a large furnace set up in the center, and they guarded the perimeter. About thirty people were staying in each tent.

Q: What did they feed you?

A: They gave us porridge made of chestnuts and steamed barley, which tasted terrible. But I had no choice but to eat because I was starving.

Q: Did they abuse you? And did they speak any Korean?

A: They did not beat me. When they realized I did not understand Chinese, they started speaking in Korean with an accent that seemed like it was from around Pyeonganbuk-do.

Q: What were the bandits mostly talking about?

A: There were around 30 abductees, and they were strongly encouraged to join their ranks. They did not say anything to the older ones like us, but they seemed to be brainwashing the young with communism. Every morning, everyone gathered around the tent, and someone who appeared to be the leader (or Kim Il-sung) gave some instructions in Chinese.

Strict Male-Female Relations

Q: What about the bandits' male-female relations?

A: I am not sure, but they were very strict. I heard that anyone who broke the prohibition was routinely beheaded.

◇

Although these may be superficial observations, this fragmented Q&A does seem to provide some sense of their daily lives.

[Photo = The house in Kaetak-dong of Mr. Horimoto, who was attacked by the bandits]

Gyeongseong Ilbo June 3, 1939

Astonished by Female Bandits

Kim Il-sung was a Gentleman

A Kidnap Victim Shares His Experience

[Telephone Report from Ranam] On the 22nd of last month, a person who had been kidnapped by bandits in the jurisdiction of the Samjang Police Station returned and spoke about the interesting inner workings of the bandits, based on his experiences of living with them deep in the mountains for over ten days.

One surprising thing was the presence of many female bandits among them, not just men as he had initially thought. These people are primarily ethnic Koreans from the Gando region and usually handle cooking and sewing for the bandits.

It was unique that they cook rice in a washbasin, but it was also surprising that they skillfully made Western clothes and combat hats using a proper hand-operated sewing machine. All of them uniformly expressed nostalgia for their homeland and said they wanted to return to Korea as soon as possible.

He met the leader who introduced himself as Kim Il-sung. Kim was a fair-skinned, good-looking man in his thirties, about 5 shaku and 5 or 6 sun tall (167 to 170 cm tall). He was bald, wore a combat hat, dressed in brown woolen clothes, and wore jika-tabi footwear.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1939年6月23日

討匪戦線縦走（６）

匪賊は若者揃い

被拉致者から彼等の日常を聴く

最終コースへ

十日は時の記念日だというので、一同珍しく朝の八時に勢揃いした。いよいよ最後のコース。長山山麓最奥大紅湍へ向けトラックに便乗して三長を進発。江岸道路を三上洞から分岐して小江満水に沿い、物凄い山道をトラックの激しいローリングに悩まされながら進行を続けること数時間。十二時少し前、開拓洞に到着。この間警護のため三上洞から同乗した白水警部補一行数名の警備員を煩わしてえんこしたトラックの後押しをする。

開拓洞は北鮮製紙の筏場で五十名ばかりの筏夫が住んでいるが、去る二十四日匪賊に襲撃され筏夫頭の坂本鉄治（三五）さんをはじめ二十数名の筏夫達が拉致され、現金九百円を掠奪されたという今事件中最大の被害地、江岸の一角に匪賊に襲われたという問題の堀本氏の家が今は主もなくわびしくたたずんでいる。

ここまで出迎えた、志摩津警部補（道高等課）一行と共に更に悪路を遡ること約二里、大紅湍に到着。志摩津部隊を慰問、直ちに車を返して開拓洞に戻り、匪襲事件の惨禍も生々しい被拉致者堀本氏の空き家で往時を偲びつつ日の丸弁当を頬張り、五日間匪賊に拉致されて密林の奥深く苦行を積み最近逃げ帰って来たという金在濠（四二）なる男を囲んで体験談を聴いた。これこそ真に偽らざる匪賊の日常生活の目撃談である。以下その概要：

被拉致者の話

問：拉致される時の状況はどうであったか？

答：匪賊は大挙して私の家を襲い、いきなりこれをもってついて来いてこいと、米と栗を背負わされ、無理やりに引き立てられた。

問：どんな武器を持っていたか？

答：妙に長い鉄砲と普通の小銃と短いピストルと長い刀を持っていた。

問：どんな話をしていたか？

答：初めは支那語で話していたので、何を言っているか分らなかった。

問：どんな恰好をしていたか？

答：匪賊は大概三十歳以下の若い者ばかりで、中には女が六人いた。着物は上衣は軍服のような洋服を着て、下は朝鮮のチマのようなものをはいていた。

問：警備隊と遭遇して交戦したが、その時の模様はどうであったか？

答：逃げる途中、四回か五回遭遇して交戦したが、奴らは唯逃げろ逃げろと私達を引きたくって無暗に逃げ廻るばかりだった。

問：匪賊にどの位の損害があったか？

答：大紅湍の天王堂附近で二三名負傷したが、一人は可なりな重傷で拉致者の誰かが背負わされた。

問：匪賊の数はどの位だったか？

答：十人ばかりを一団として数団体あったが、日が暮れると長山岳あたりに、あちらこちらから沢山集まって来た。数えて見なかったが、大方三百人位は居ただろうと思う。そして天幕を十三張ってみんなその中に寝泊りしていた。天幕はこの家よりも大きく中央に大きな炉を拵らえて、そのぐるりに護たか、一つの幕舎に三十人ばかり入っていた。

問：どんな物を食わしたか？

答：栗やら蒸し麥のお粥でとてもまずくて食べられなかったが、腹が空いて仕方がないのでどうにか食べられた。

問：いじめなかったか？そして、朝鮮語は全然話さなかったか？

答：別に殴りはしなかった。支那語が判らないというと、後からは朝鮮語で話していた。その朝鮮語は平北あたりのなまりがあるように思った。

問：匪賊は主としてどんな話をしていたか？

答：拉致された者がおよそ三十人ばかりいたが、一人一人に、お前はもう朝鮮に帰らずに俺達の仲間に入れと盛んにすすめていた。私共のような年寄りには何もいわなかったが、若い者には盛んに共産主義を吹き込んでいるようだった。そして毎朝、幕舎の前にみんな集って頭目らしいのが（或いは金日成が）何か盛んに支那語で訓示していた。

男女関係は厳重

問：匪賊達の男女関係はどうか？

答：よくわからないが、非常に厳重だ、ということだった。そしてその禁を破った者が度度打首にされたという話も聞いた。

◇

浅薄な観察ではあるが、この断片的な問答によって彼等の日常生活の概要が判るような気がする。

【写真＝匪賊に襲われた開拓洞の堀本氏の家】

京城日報 1939年6月3日

女匪賊に吃驚

金日成とは、やさ男

被拉致者の見聞談

【羅南電話】去る二十二日三長警察署管内で匪賊に拉致されたものが帰ってきて密林の奥深く匪賊とともに暮らした十余日間の経験に基き興味ある彼等の内幕を次の如く語っている。

匪賊は男だけかと思ったらどうして驚いたことは、沢山の女匪賊がいることである。彼等は主に間島出身の鮮人でいつもは匪賊の炊事と針仕事をやっている。

洗面器で飯を焚いているのも珍しいが、立派な手ミシンをもっていて器用に洋服や戦闘帽などを作っているのも驚かされた。彼らは皆一様に国が懐かしい、早く朝鮮に帰りたいとこぼしていた。

自分は頭目の金日成だというのに逢ったが彼はまだ三十位の色の白い優男で身長は五尺五六寸、頭は丸坊主で戦闘帽を冠り、茶色の羅紗服をきて地下足袋を穿いていた。

[Sources]

• https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1939-06-03/page/n10/mode/1up
• https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1939-06-23/page/n10/mode/1up
• https://www.marxists.org/archive/kim-il-sung/autobio/index.htm