The film that tried to make Koreans see Imperial Japan as their “Omoni” (Mother): Inside the 1945 propaganda movie “Love and Vows" (愛と誓ひ, 사랑과맹세)

This is my review and analysis of a deeply unsettling Imperial Japanese propaganda film, Love and Vows (愛と誓ひ), which was screened in late May 1945 with the aim of reaching as many Koreans as possible in the final months of the war. The film was part of a larger effort to emotionally manipulate Koreans into sacrificing their lives for the Empire as Japan prepared for an Allied invasion. To ensure the message was driven home even to those who might have missed the screening, the authorities serialized a novelized version of the film’s story in the Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) newspaper — I have transcribed and translated that version below. The entire film can still be viewed today, with Korean subtitles at the Korean Film Archive, or without subtitles on YouTube (where it has been uploaded by @날보라-l9u, a Korean vlogger who expresses misguided, revisionist views sympathetic to Imperial Japan). I have provided some links to key scenes in the YouTube video for reference as timestamps.

Shiraishi Keiko with her biological son Toyoo (left) and her adopted Korean son Kim Young-ryong (right).

In the final year of World War II, as Imperial Japan braced for an expected U.S. invasion of both the Japanese mainland and the Korean peninsula, it embarked on an all-out propaganda campaign to prepare the Korean population for what was intended to be a suicidal last stand. The authorities planned to mobilize nearly every able-bodied man, woman, and child into citizen militias under direct Imperial Army command to resist the Allies to the death. To convince the Korean people—many of whom were deeply resentful of decades of exploitation, abuse, and humiliation under colonial rule—to sacrifice their lives for Imperial Japan, the state turned to cinema as a powerful tool to appeal to emotion and instill the required mindset.

One of the centerpiece works of this effort was the propaganda film Love and Vows (愛と誓ひ), directed by renowned filmmakers Imai Tadashi (今井正) and Choi In-gyu (崔寅奎). This film was produced with the full backing of the Imperial Navy and the Governor-General’s Office. It ran for 1 hour and 14 minutes and featured an all-star cast including Takada Minoru (高田稔) as Editor-in-Chief Shiraishi, Takehisa Chieko (竹久千恵子) as Mrs. Shiraishi, Dok Eun-gi (독은기, 獨銀麒) as Lieutenant Murai, Kim Shin-jae (김신재, 金信哉) as Murai’s widow, and Shimura Takashi (志村喬) as Murai’s father.

Love and Vows was first shown at two invitational test screenings (試写会) at the Bumingwan Hall (府民館) in Seoul on May 23, 1945. Beginning on May 24, it was screened across theaters throughout Korea until June 1. Special group discounts were offered to neighborhood Patriotic Groups (愛国班) presumably so their leaders could explain the film’s propaganda message to the audience and, where necessary, translate the dialogue for those Koreans who did not understand Japanese.

The film’s narrative centers on Kim Young-ryong (김영룡), a Korean orphan raised by a Japanese foster family who becomes inspired to volunteer for the Imperial Navy after learning about a heroic Korean kamikaze pilot, Lieutenant Murai. In the early scenes of the film, Murai flies his Kamikaze plane into a U.S. aircraft carrier and make the news headlines (6:24). Murai is a thinly fictionalized version of the real-life Korean kamikaze pilot Matsui Hideo or In Jae-ung (인재웅, 印在雄) who died on November 29, 1944. The orphan visits Murai’s school, playground, and home, absorbing reverence for the deceased hero, and listens solemnly to Murai’s recorded final words on a vinyl record. The story is crafted to venerate Murai as a god-like figure, but also to present him as an accessible role model so ordinary Koreans could imagine themselves becoming suicide fighters for Imperial Japan. Indeed, Korean Kamikaze heroes dominate the pages of Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) newspaper in 1945, and reverential, hagiographical accounts of their humble lives are published in exquisite detail to exalt them as role models for the Korean people. This is highly evocative of the personality cult dynamics seen in later North Korean propaganda. 

Stories of Korean orphans raised by adoptive Japanese parents were a common allegorical device in Imperial Japan’s colonial propaganda. These narratives framed Japan’s rule over Korea as the benevolent adoption of a troubled and wayward child — with Japan portrayed as the patient, magnanimous parent who takes in and raises the orphan despite his misbehavior or attempts to run away. Such imagery served to justify the brutal suppression of the Korean independence movement, casting it as the necessary discipline of a child who did not yet understand what was good for him. In Love and Vows, this theme is central: Young-ryong, the orphaned Korean boy, tries to run away, but the kindly Shiraishi forgives him, takes him back, and ultimately wins his loyalty by touching his heart. Shiraishi also does not shy away from using corporal punishment to beat Young-ryong for cowardice (1:05:29), as a way to shape him into an honorable Imperial soldier.

The plot also includes a speech to young Korean students by Shiraishi proclaiming that anyone, through effort and loyalty, can become as great as Murai. The film also features a Japanese teacher teaching an eager Korean student the motto 七生報国 (“even if I am reborn seven times, I will dedicate myself to serving my country each time”), attributed to medieval Japanese hero Kusunoki Masashige, and a quote from the Taiheiki: “Because it is the nature of battle, you should not necessarily judge the entire war by the outcome of a single skirmish (合戦の習にて候へば、一旦の勝負をば必しも不可被御覧),” encouraging Koreans to persevere despite Japan’s mounting defeats (21:14). 

The serialized short story version of the film that appeared in Keijo Nippo (京城日報) differs from the surviving film print in key ways. In the novel, the orphan’s indiscretion is getting drunk on whiskey, while in the surviving film, the orphan's indiscretion is sabotaging the fuel of a bus carrying Korean recruits. The emotional scene where the orphan cries out Omoni (어머니, “Mother”) in anguish at not being punished like the biological son—highlighting the message that Imperial Japan is a mother figure to Koreans—is absent in the surviving film, possibly because that copy was an early screen test that was not used for general release. This copy survived only because it was archived at the Tokyo National Film Center and later transferred to the Korean Film Archive before being uploaded to YouTube by @날보라-l9u. 

The authorities spared no expensive in ensuring this film would move Korean audiences. They enlisted top directors and actors and devoted scarce resources to create the special effects depicting the exploding U.S. aircraft carrier, to create a high-quality production capable of persuading Koreans on an emotional level to die for Imperial Japan. The story was calculated to instill loyalty, glorify self-sacrifice, and portray discipline from colonial masters as an expression of parental love—framing the empire as a caring Omoni for its Korean subjects. Coincidentally, North Korea similarly educates its citizens to call its Party their Omoni, promoting the song "당이여 나의 어머니시여 (The Party is My Mother)".

The film ends with Young-ryong holding hands with Shiraishi Keiko and Murai's widow Yeong-ja in a striking pose symbolizing Japanese-Korean unity (1:12:14), followed by a printed message, “Even today, divine falcons are sinking enemy ships to the bottom of the Pacific Ocean. Who will follow them and defeat the enemy? You will! You are going to do it! (神鷲は今日も敵を太平洋の底に沈めつつある。これに続いて敵を破るもの、それは君達だ。君達がやるのだ)” (1:13:56)

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) May 23, 1945
Long-Awaited Film “Love and Vows”
Preview Today at the Bumingwan Hall

Under the guidance of the Imperial Headquarters Navy Press Department and with the support of the Ministry of the Imperial Navy, the Korea Film Company began filming the naval motion picture Love and Vows on March 15. The production has now been completed. On the 23rd, two invitational preview screenings will be held at the Bumingwan Hall, one during the day and one at night.

This film depicts the spirit of the Korean Navy Volunteer Soldier System and dramatically portrays the true spirit of the Special Attack Units through an engaging story. It brims with warm humanity as unfortunate people help one another, aiming to revive the love that is apt to wither during wartime.

In summary: Kim Young-ryong (김영룡, 金英龍), a Korean orphan who lost his parents and siblings at a young age, was taken in by Editor-in-Chief Shiraishi of the Keijo Shimpo Newspaper out of compassion. While working as an office boy at the newspaper, he led a warm, peaceful life. Assigned to gather material for an article, he visited the home of Lieutenant Murai, a member of the Special Attack Forces. Together with Murai’s widow, Yeong-ja (영자, 英子), he walked to various places such as the classroom where Murai had studied (36:03), and the simple fields and riverbanks where Murai played as a boy. Upon returning, lost in quiet reflection, they found that a phonograph record had arrived, containing a recording of Murai’s voice on the night before his sortie (40:16).

“Now the time has come. Just as you instructed, I will go with a smile,” rang out Murai’s bright voice (41:42). Overwhelmed by a solemn feeling, Young-ryong was frozen in place. Supported by the special affection shown by the widow Yeong-ja, Young-ryong spent a few days in a dreamlike state. Profoundly impressed, he returned home and wrote an excellent article, and with firm resolve Young-ryong followed in Murai’s footsteps by volunteering for the Navy. [Photo: A scene from Love and Vows]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) May 25-27, 1945
The Story of the Film “Love and Vows”

Love and Vows was completed recently and released to the public on the 24th. The film portrays the determination of Korean youth to serve at sea in response to the Naval Special Volunteer Soldier System.

Mr. Shiraishi (right) meeting Lieutenant Murai on the rooftop of the offices of Keijo Nippo Newspaper.

(1)

“The sky over Korea is as beautiful as ever, is it not?”

“Yes. But this beautiful sky connects to the great skies of the battlefield where you will go.”

Shiraishi Goro, Editor-in-Chief of the Keijo Shimpo Newspaper, said this with deep emotion as he gazed up at the clear sky after taking a rooftop photograph of Lieutenant Murai, the only son of his former mentor, who was leaving for the front. Suddenly noticing a boy peeking out from behind a wall, he exclaimed sharply, “Is that you, Young-ryong? Where have you been wandering?” and strode over (4:26).

This boy was Kim Young-ryong, an orphan whom Shiraishi had picked up from the backstreets of Jongno four years earlier and taken into his home. Young-ryong now worked as an office boy at the newspaper while attending night school, but his vagrant habits remained, and after a minor mistake a few days earlier, he had run away from home.

Hearing the circumstances, Lieutenant Murai said, “That will not do. You must not cause such worry. It is now your turn to be strong,” and clapped Young-ryong on the shoulder. He then asked Shiraishi, “How about taking one more photo of us together, for both our sakes?”

Shiraishi, sensing the Lieutenant’s firm resolve in his words, “That will not do ... it is now your turn to be strong,” raised his camera once more to capture the pair standing side by side (5:41).

Soon after, news was announced of the glorious deed of the Kamikaze Special Attack Unit, and among the names was Murai Shinichiro—Lieutenant Murai (7:29).

(2)

“Do you know the name of the boy standing next to my late husband?”

Yeong-ja is holding her son, to her left is the nanny, and Shiraishi Keiko is sitting

When Shiraishi's wife visited Murai’s widow, Yeong-ja, bringing the photograph of Lieutenant Murai taken at the newspaper office, she whispered this. Yeong-ja, who lost her parents during the Shanghai Incident and was separated from her five-year-old brother Kim Young-joo (김영주, 金英柱) when she was repatriated to Korea, felt the boy’s face somehow resembled that of her lost brother (19:36).

“This boy is an orphan we took in. His name is Kim Young-ryong.”

Mrs. Shiraishi replied sympathetically and promised to have her husband arrange for Young-ryong to visit.

Meanwhile, at Murai’s former school, Shiraishi addressed the students: “When you hear of divine falcons (kamikaze pilots), you may think of them as men born great, beyond your reach. But that is not so. If you become fine soldiers, you too can become divine falcons. Study well every day and strive to become fine soldiers.” Thus, Shiraishi appealed to their young hearts with words that were easy to understand, encouraging them to follow in Murai's footsteps (25:18).

That night, returning late from Murai’s home, Shiraishi's wife Keiko found their son Toyoo and Young-ryong in an uproar, having drunk whiskey mistaking it for wine.

“Why would you do such a thing while your mother was away?”

Mrs. Shiraishi, who arrived home earlier than her husband, scolded Toyoo harshly but did not scold Young-ryong. Expecting to be rebuked, Young-ryong felt all the more lonely for the lack of scolding, and, unable to bear the solitude of his longing for affection, retreated to his room. There, he quietly wept, calling out for his “mother.”

Later, when Mr. Shiraishi heard the story from his wife Keiko and peeked into Young-ryong’s room, he noticed the word “어머니” (Mother) scratched into the wall. He chided his wife, “Why did you not scold Young-ryong too? Look at this. He wanted to be scolded as well.”

Omoni is written in Hangul in the middle of the Japanese text.

(3)

“This is an excellent report of your visit. It is filled with sincerity.”

Yeong-ja proudly looks on at Young-ryong who is about to be deployed as an Imperial soldier.

Mr. Shiraishi praised Young-ryong’s account of his visit to the Murai home and promised to make him a trainee reporter. But unexpectedly, Young-ryong did not rejoice. Instead, he said he wanted to become a Navy man, not a reporter trainee, and asked to enter the Special Volunteer Soldier Training School (1:10:39).

A major reason for this change of heart was the sight of the Korean recruit, unable to board a bus due to a traffic accident, who said resolutely, “It is fine, I will run to the station,” and dashed off along the road (58:06), stirring Young-ryong’s young blood with this image of such courage and determination.

“I see, so you wish to become a Special Volunteer Soldier,” Shiraishi said with heartfelt joy and gave his enthusiastic encouragement.

Thus, in April, with the cherry blossoms in bloom, Young-ryong’s wish was fulfilled as he, accompanied by Yeong-ja and the Shiraishis, proudly set off for the Special Volunteer Soldier Training School (1:13:56).

(The End)

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年5月23日

待望の『愛と誓い』
きょう府民館で試写会

大本営海軍報道部企画指導、海軍省後援のもとに朝鮮映画社は三月十五日から撮影を開始した海軍映画『愛と誓い』はこのほど製作完了。二十三日昼夜二回にわたり府民館で招待試写会を行う。

これは半島海軍志願兵制度の精神を現すと共に特攻精神の実相を劇的興味ある物語で綴ったもので不幸な人々が相助け合う温かい人情味を盛って戦時下ややもすれば荒みがちな愛情をよみがえらせるもの。

その梗概をみれば幼なくして父母兄弟を失った天涯の孤児金英龍は京城新報社白石編集局長の情けでその家に引取られ、新聞社の給仕を勤めつつ温かい生活を続けていたが、特別攻撃隊員村井少尉家へ社命で記事取材のため訪問。村井少尉の学んだ教室、遊んだ純朴な野原や川のほとりへと未亡人英子と共に歩いた。彼等が静かな物思いに耽りつつ帰って来ると、恰度村井少尉出撃前夜の声を録音した音盤が届けられていた。

『いよいよ出動です。かねてお訓しのように笑って出かけます』と音盤から明るい声が流れ出た。この厳粛な気持に英龍は身じろきも出来なかった。また英子未亡人の殊更な愛情も手伝って夢のような幾日かを過し、深い感銘をいだいて帰った英龍は素晴らしい記事を残して決然と村井少尉のあとに続き海軍に志願した。【写真＝愛と誓いの一場面】

京城日報 1945年5月25日～27日

映画物語『愛と誓い』

海軍特別志願兵制度に応えて半島に沸きあがる青少年の海への決意を描く朝映の『愛と誓い』はこのほど完成。二十四日から封切られた。

（１）

『相変らず、朝鮮の空は美しいですね』

『そうだ。でもこの美しい空は、君の征く戦場の大空へ、つながっているのだよ』

京城新報社の編輯局長白石五郎は、出征にあたって、社へ別れに来た恩師の一人息子村井少尉の写真を屋上で撮り了ると、沁々とした面持で、澄みきった大空を仰いだが、フト向こうの壁のところから、チラッと覗いた一人の少年の姿を目ざとく見付けると、『英龍じゃないか。何処をうろついていたのだ』と、劇しい言葉を浴びせて、近寄って行った。

この少年は、四年まえ鐘路の裏街から白石が拾ってきて、ずっと自分の家で面倒を見てやっている金英龍という孤児で、いまは社の給仕をさせながら夜学へ通わせているのだが、未だに放浪癖が抜けずもう二三日まえから、一寸した失策から家を飛び出しているのであった。村井少尉は、白石局長からその事情をきくと、『いかん、そんな心配をかけるものではない。これからは君たちがしっかりする番だよ』と言って、英龍の肩を叩くと、『どうです、二人の分も一つ、もう一枚とって下さいませんか』と白石局長へ頼んだ。

白石は『いかん、これからは君たちが、しっかりする番だ』という村井少尉の言葉に、なにか劇しい少尉の決意を予感しながら、再びならび立った二人へカメラを向けた。

果たせるかな。それから間もなく神風特別攻撃隊〇〇隊の壮挙が発表されたが、その中に村井信一郎－村井少尉の名前があった。

（２）

『この良人の傍に立っている子供の名前を、御存じでしょうか』

村井少尉が社へ訪ねてきたときにとった写真を持って、白石夫妻が恩師の宅を訪問すると、少尉の未亡人へささやいた。英子は、上海事変のとき両親を失い、朝鮮へ引き揚げるとき、五つになっていた弟の金英柱ともはぐれて仕舞ったのだが、その弟の幼顔に何処かその少年の顔は、似ているというのである。

『この子供は、私の家に引取っている孤児ではありませんか。金英龍といいますの』

白石夫人は、気の毒そうにそう言うと、それでも一度良人へ頼んで、英龍を訪ねさせようと、約束するのであった。

その頃、白石は恩師の学校で、全校生徒を集めて、『神鷲というと、あなた達は自分の手の届かないような、大変生れつきから偉かった人のように考えるでしょうが、決してそうではありません。立派な軍人になれれば、きっと神鷲になれるのです。あなた達だって、毎日をよく勉強して早く立派な軍人になって下さい』と、判り易い言葉で、烈々と村井少尉のあとへ続く、その童心へ呼びかけていた。

しかしその夜、遅く村井家から白石夫妻が帰ってみると、子供の豊夫と英龍は葡萄酒と間違えてウィスキーを飲み大変な騒ぎをしているところであった。

『お母さんの留守に、なぜこんな真似をするのです』

白石より先に帰ってきた夫人の桂子は、激しく豊夫を叱ったが、英龍は叱らなかった。当然叱られることを覚悟していた英龍は、かえって叱られないことが淋しく、愛情の孤独に耐えかねて、自分の部屋へ悄然と戻ると、声を忍ばせて泣きながら、お母さんと呼びつづけるのであった。

後から帰宅した白石は、桂子から事情をきいて、眠っている英龍の部屋を覗いたが、共入口の壁にかかれている어머니（オモニ）という爪文字を見ると、なぜ英龍も、叱ってやらなかったのだ、之を見るがいい、きっと英龍も叱られたかったのだと、桂子をなじった。

（３）

『これは立派な訪問記だ。君の真心がこもっている』

金英龍に村井家を訪問させた白石は英龍の書いてきたその訪問記を見て、非常に激賞すると、君も今度から記者見習いにしてやるといった。しかし英龍は意外にも、それを喜ばなかった。そうして自分は、記者見習よりも、海軍軍人になりたいから、特別志願兵訓練所へ入所したいと言った。

村井家を訪問した英龍の心の中に、大きな変化を起させた一つの原因は村井家から帰る日、自動車事故のためにバスに乗れなくなった半島の入営壮丁が、いいです駅まで走りますと、みんなの心配顔へ、決然として言うと、一散にバス道路を駅へかけて行ったその雄々しい姿であった。あの雄々しさ、あの毅然たる姿、それを思いうかべると、英龍の若い全身の血は沸り立つのであった。

『そうか、特別志願兵になるか』白井は心からそれを喜ぶと、大いに激励した。

やがて桜咲く四月、念願の叶った英龍は、英子や白石夫妻に送られて勇躍〇〇特別志願兵訓練所へ急ぐのであった。（了）

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

External blog links covering "Love and Vows":

• https://blog.naver.com/bumryul/223117000706 (in Korean)
• https://beh3.hatenablog.com/entry/2021/10/02/151951 (in Japanese)
• https://ameblo.jp/jk-nextfilm/entry-10461126501.html (in Japanese)

Link to the YouTube video of the entire film (no subtitles): https://youtu.be/AsmQjtVSUyA

In 1945, Imperial Japan trained almost every able-bodied Korean man, woman, and child to stab Americans to death with bamboo spears in suicide combat militias under direct Imperial Army command

Let's look at three articles from Keijo Nippo (the official Japanese colonial newspaper in Korea) published in April through August 1945 which give a chilling window into how Imperial Japan prepared the Korean population for what they saw as an inevitable final battle on the Korean Peninsula. Almost every Japanese and Korean man, woman, and even child was expected to receive training in bamboo spear techniques and was subjected to intense anti-American propaganda designed to mentally prepare them to fight and kill Allied soldiers without hesitation. The message was clear: they were to sacrifice their lives if necessary, but not before taking at least one Allied soldier with them in the process.

Korean civilians training in bamboo spears at Sunrin Commercial School in Seoul

The first article, published on April 28, 1945, describes a scene at Sunrin Commercial School in Seoul where civilians — many likely conscripted against their will — are shown training with bamboo spears under cherry blossoms. Similar drills were almost certainly taking place all over Korea as well as mainland Japan as the authorities sought to raise a Volunteer Corps of civilians, organized into improvised militias directly controlled by the Imperial Army. The hierarchical command structure of the Volunteer Corps would later be finalized in July 1945 with great fanfare by the top brass of the Imperial Army and the Governor-General's Office. This system was much like the Volkssturm militias of Nazi Germany in its final months. 

The second article, published on June 13, 1945, explains how the Volunteer Corps were also tasked with providing logistical support (intelligence, transportation, communications) to the Imperial Army. But it emphasizes that these transport units were expected to convert into combat units at a moment’s notice, and become farm workers when needed. The article even gives an example of how an activation order might be announced by radio. Those judged to have special aptitude would be organized into guerrilla units to carry out guerrilla warfare.

The third article, published on August 4, 1945, reinforces this point: even transport volunteers driving ox-and-horse carts were expected to instantly mobilize into combat units.

Elsewhere in the same newspaper in June and July 1945, there were instructions on how to fight tanks with hand grenades, how to dig trenches for combat, and other military tactics. This dissemination of military knowledge to the general population was intended to create a mass resistance against Allied invasion. Yet ironically, it had an unforeseen consequence. When Japan surrendered on August 15, 1945, this same population — already mentally prepared for armed struggle — rose up in various armed uprisings, as seen in incidents across Korea in the immediate post-war period. This outcome reveals a cognitive blind spot of the Japanese military leadership: they failed to consider what would happen after their defeat, and as a result, they unwittingly planted the seeds of armed resistance against themselves.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 28, 1945

A Bamboo Spear That Flashes in an Instant to Defend the Divine Land of Japan
The Sword of Wrath That Strikes to Kill
Under the Cherry Blossoms – Homeland Defense Troops Train with Bamboo Spears

In this campaign of tremendous bloodshed, the vile enemy, though distressed by the depletion of its forces, continues to press on toward a final decisive battle. That indomitable will to fight is none other than the treacherous ambition to trample our homeland into complete ruin.

Anticipating an enemy landing on the mainland, the hundred million citizens must literally arm themselves to the last man and woman and protect this Imperial land, unsullied by defilement. Each of us, man or woman, must with certainty kill at least one enemy, stop the breath of the foe, and secure final victory.

Those without weapons shall take up bamboo spears and fight to the bitter end. Let us wield the deadly bamboo spear and fall together with the enemy in mutual destruction. The call for universal armament of our hundred million must not remain empty words.

Here, on the grounds of Sunrin Commercial School, the gentle spring breeze is broken daily by the fierce bamboo spear training of the Homeland Defense Troops.

Should the filthy barbarians invade our land, we shall pierce through the chests of the Americans with a single thrust. Burning with this resolute fighting spirit, about two hundred leaders of the Homeland Defense Troops and various government offices and companies have, since the 26th, gathered under the fully blooming cherry blossoms for three days of instruction in bayonet techniques and bamboo spear training. From morning till evening, they continue intense training under the guidance of their instructors, starting with basic movements.

This is not training for the sake of training. Even the dummy targets used for thrusting practice are unlike those of the past. They represent the targets of those who, aflame with righteous anger, stand in defense of the Imperial land unto death.

The day will surely come when these bamboo spears will be dyed with the blood of our hated enemies. Within the flash of each thrust surges the very soul of our divine nation’s defense.

If there is no bamboo, wood will do. Thrust, thrust, and thrust again — that is the bamboo spear spirit. We asked Second Lieutenant Kawabata, the instructor, to speak:

“Until now, training of this type has been nothing but talk, and there has been no true effort to practice it. People do not even know how to handle wooden rifles, yet they are told to arm themselves completely — that can no longer be allowed. We must abandon the attitude of relying on reinforcements to come. Instead, every single citizen must cultivate their own actual fighting ability. In preparation for emergency, it is absolutely essential to master the handling of weapons that can replace the bayonet when fighting the enemy — that is, the bamboo spear. Doing so is nothing other than the true expression of the spirit to defend the Imperial land to the end.

If there is no bamboo, wood will do. The standard length is from 1 meter 70 centimeters to about 2 meters. The method of handling is no different from bayonet technique. Let us wield our bamboo spears, become a national corps of attackers, and burn with a fierce determination to drive out and slay every last one of the foul invaders.”

[Photo: Training of the Homeland Defense Troops with spears]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) June 13, 1945

What Are the National Volunteer Combat Units?
Divided by Workplace and Region
No Ranks Except for the Commander

The National Volunteer Military Service Act, submitted to the 87th Wartime Diet, passed both the House of Peers and the House of Representatives and has been enacted. This military service law provides the legal foundation for the National Volunteer Corps, which has already been organized nationwide, to be transformed into combat units when the time comes. With the enactment of this military service law, the entire population will greet the enemy landing on the homeland, and all will become soldiers, directly or indirectly joining the frontlines of exterminating the enemy. Thus, the unprecedented realization of complete and thorough universal conscription has been achieved.

The specific details of this military service law will be announced as Imperial ordinances as needed and promptly implemented. The general outline, as clarified through Diet debates, is as follows:

Relationship with the Volunteer Corps:
When the National Volunteer Corps is transformed into combat units, they will be mobilized under this military service law and become volunteer soldiers.

Timing, order, and method of forming combat units:
The order to form combat units will be issued by army district commanders with permission from the Army and Navy Ministers. At present, it is expected that transportation and communication institutions will be among the first to receive immediate orders to form such units. Their employees will become volunteer soldiers upon the issuance of the order, and their peacetime organizational structures will remain intact as combat units. However, their actual operations will be under the direction and supervision of the relevant minister in charge.

Similarly, important factories that are likely to become targets of air raids will also be ordered to form combat units. In these cases, the existing factory organization will become the combat unit, with the company president or factory manager serving as the commander. This is not an official government position.

The above pertains to workplace-based volunteer units that will soon be implemented. As for regional units, in areas where enemy invasion is deemed imminent, orders for formation will be issued individually as needed. For example, in cases where air raids intensify and suspicion of an invasion grows stronger, such orders will be given.

Method of mobilization:
The simplest possible method will be used, primarily verbal orders. For example, a radio broadcast might declare, “The National Volunteer Corps of XX Prefecture, XX Town shall be transformed into combat units,” thereby ordering the formation. In other words, this formation order itself constitutes the call-up, so no written call-up notices will be issued.

Demobilization:
Demobilization will similarly be communicated via radio or verbal announcements.

Organizational structure:
Combat units will be organized at the city, town, village, and major workplace level. These entities must maintain a roster of all affiliated volunteer members.

Status and duties of combat unit members:
The combat units are divided into two categories — workplace-based and regional — but their status is the same. Except for the commander, there are no ranks among the volunteer soldiers. The commander is appointed by the military. In essence, everyone is treated as a private soldier.

The duties differ depending on the reason for formation, but they primarily involve rear-area duties for the military: logistics, intelligence, communications, maintenance of airfields and roads, and so on. Workplace-based production combat units will continue production activities until the very end. During busy agricultural seasons, units will be suitably formed to assist in farming villages, becoming food production combat units as needed. Thus, combat units may also be mobilized as labor reinforcements.

Training:
Training of combat unit members will vary depending on their assigned duties. Some will be specially selected to form assault or raiding units, engaging in bold guerrilla warfare alongside Imperial army soldiers. Since the assigned duties — such as maintaining roads, airfields, transport, and communications — are generally predetermined, training will focus only on what is necessary for these tasks.

In the case of production (factories), production itself is regarded as a combat mission, so there is no need for bamboo spear training. The military's emphasis for training is on spiritual education. The principle is to cultivate a single, elite capability for the assigned task. There is no need for unnecessary training in various areas — the key is to perform the assigned task excellently. Training time should be minimized and used efficiently. Particularly emphasized is the development of integrated training methods where training and production are one and the same.

Command structure:
This will be clarified by imperial ordinance, but apart from railways and communications, regional combat units will be organized by town or village, and a joint combat unit will be established under military control. Command authority lies with the military commander of the relevant area.

Age and other requirements:
Because combat units require mental and physical strength, the upper age limits have been lowered by five years from the Volunteer Corps limits: men up to 60 years old, women up to 40 years old. Previously, the limits were men up to 65 years old, women up to 45 years old. However, those outside these age limits may join as volunteers.

Exemptions:
Those already conscripted, enlisted, ill, pregnant women, women who have given birth, their protective personnel, and others deemed irreplaceable by the regiment district commander will be exempt. In short, all who are capable of working will become combat unit members.

Rewards and punishments:
Combat unit members are treated as soldiers under military discipline. They are eligible for decorations just like regular soldiers, including the Order of the Golden Kite, and will be enshrined at Yasukuni Shrine. Punishments will be applied with leniency, without referral to military tribunals under the Army and Navy Acts.

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) August 4, 1945

Robust Independent Volunteer Corps
Transport Units Are Formed
Motor Vehicle and Ox-and-Horse Cart Units to Set Out Soon

The National Volunteer Corps on the Korean Peninsula, preparing heroically for the decisive battle on the homeland, is advancing boldly. In the event of an emergency, overland transport will be of utmost importance. In particular, for small-scale transport operations such as motor vehicles and ox-and-horse carts, excluding Central Region Korean Railway, the Governor-General’s Office has decided to form National Volunteer Transport Units to establish an active operational posture under perfect, unbroken control.

These transport units will be divided into two parts: the National Volunteer Motor Vehicle Unit and the National Volunteer Small Transport Unit composed of ox-and-horse carts. The motor vehicle unit will have its headquarters at the Motor Vehicle Control Company, with battalions assigned to each province.

The small transport unit will have headquarters in each province, battalions at each police station, companies at each police outpost, and beneath them, platoons and squads. The members of these units will not be incorporated into workplace-based or regional National Volunteer Corps units.

These will function as independent, cooperative volunteer units that, upon the issuance of an order, can be converted into combat units.

Regarding the management of these most vital transport units, the Governor-General’s Office convened transport and security section chiefs from each province on the fourth and fifth of this month to hold planning and coordination meetings for operational command.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年4月28日

一瞬閃く神州護持の竹槍
怒る必刺の剣
桜花の下・郷軍竹槍訓練

夥しい出血作戦に醜敵は兵力の損耗に焦慮しながらも最後の決戦を挑みつづける。その侮り難き戦意は飽くまでも本土を蹂躙しつくそうとする不逞な野望に他ならぬ。

本土上陸を予測して一億は文字通り総武装し汚されたことなき皇土を護持、男も女も必ずや一人一殺をもって敵の息の根を止め最後の勝利を獲得せねばならぬ。

武器なきものは竹槍をとっても戦い抜こう。必殺の竹槍をふるって敵と刺し違えようではないか。

一億皆武装も口先だけではいけない。ここ善隣商業学校校内では春風駘蕩の麗らかさを破って毎日烈しい郷軍の竹槍訓練が行われている。

一たび醜夷わが国土に侵犯せばこの一突をもってメリケンの胸板を貫かんの満々たる闘魂に燃ゆる郷軍はじめ各官衙会社の指導者二百名達は二十六日から三日間に亘ってらんまんの桜花の下で銃剣道と竹槍訓練の講習に参加し、終日、教官の指導のもとに基本動作から火の出るような訓練を続けている。

訓練のための訓練ではない。刺突する仮標もまたこれまでの仮標とは違う。怒りに燃えた皇土死守の姿である。

この竹槍がやがて怨敵の血で染まる時が来るであろう。されば一閃する刺突の中に神州護持の魂魄が奔流するのだ。竹槍がなくば木でもよい。突いて突いて突きまくる竹槍精神を、教官川畑少尉に語って貰った。

『今までこの種の訓練は口ばかりであり、実際にやるということがなかったようだ。木銃の持ち方も知らなくて総武装せよなどというのはもう今ではいけない。待つあるを恃むの戦闘態勢から国民の一人一人が残らず実力を培養して置くことである。有事の際を覚し敵と戦う銃剣に代わるべき武器、即ち竹槍などの操方は絶対に身につけて置くことが真剣に皇土を護り抜く精神の発露に他ならない。竹がなくば木でもよい。長さは一米七十糎から二米位が標準である。その操方は銃剣道と変りない。竹槍をふるい、国民総斬込隊となって醜賊を一人残らず撃ち攘う烈々の気概に燃えねばならぬ』

【写真＝郷軍の槍訓練】

京城日報 1945年6月13日

国民義勇戦闘隊とは
職域と地域に区分
隊長を除き階級なし

第八十七敵前議会に提出された国民義勇兵役法案は貴衆両院を通過成立した。この兵役法は全国的にほぼ組織を終った国民義勇隊が戦闘隊となるべき時の法的根拠をなすもので、全国民はこの兵役法の制定によって敵を本土に邀え、悉くが一兵卒となって直接間接滅敵の第一線に参加することになり、史上その比を見ない完全かつ徹底した国民皆兵の姿がここに実現するに至った。この兵役法の具体的諸点は今後その都度勅令によって公示され、速やかに実施されるが、議会において論議され明かとなった諸点を通じその大体の輪郭を示せば次の通りである。

義勇隊との関係：国民義勇隊が戦闘隊に転移すればこの兵役法によって召集され義勇兵となる。

戦闘隊編成の時期、順序、方法：戦闘隊に編成される命令は陸海軍大臣の許可を得て各軍管区司令官が下令する。現在のところ直ちに編成下令されるものと予想されるものには運輸、通信機関がある。これらの従業員は下令次第全部義勇兵となり、平時の組織そのままで戦闘隊となるわけである。しかし実際の業務はその斯管大臣の指揮監督を受くることとなる。これについて編成下令されるものに空襲目標となる重要工場がある。この場合も工場の組織そのままが戦闘隊となる。社長、工場長が隊長となり指揮することとなるが、これは官職ではない。

以上は近く実施される職域義勇隊の場合であるが、地域的には敵の侵攻間近しと判断される地区について個々に必要に応じて編成下令が下ることになっている。たとえば空襲が激化し、その侵攻の疑い濃厚となった場合など下令せられることとなろう。召集の方法は最も簡易を選び口頭でやることを原則としている。たとえばラジオ放送を利用して『〇〇県〇〇町国民義勇隊は戦闘隊に転移すべし』と下令し、編成を命ずる。すなわち、この編成下令が義勇召集を意味するものであるから召集令状は出さないことになっている。

解除の場合もまた同様ラジオや口頭などで伝達される。戦闘隊の軍位は市、町、村および主要職域団体でこれらの機関では所属義勇隊員の連名簿を作って置くことが必要である。

戦闘隊員の身分、任務、戦闘隊は以下の如く職域、地域と二つに区分されているが、その身分は同じである。義勇兵には隊長を除き階級はない。隊長は軍が命ずる。すなわち全部が一兵卒というわけである。

任務は編成の理由によって異なって来るが、主として軍の後方勤務、兵站、情報、連絡、飛行場、道路の補修等に従事する。また職域で最後まで生産に邁進する生産戦闘隊は農繁期に適当に編成されて農村に出動する。食糧増産戦闘隊となることもある。このように戦闘隊は場合により労務の補充として召集されることもあり得るのである。

戦闘隊の訓練：戦闘隊員の訓練は与えられた任務により色々違って来るが、中には特に選ばれて斬込み挺身隊となり、皇軍将兵と共に果敢なゲリラ戦を専門にやるものもあるが、道路、飛行場の補修輸送、連絡等と平素から大体与えられる任務がきまっているから訓練にはそれに必要な訓練をやる。

生産（工場）：戦闘隊は生産それ自体が戦闘任務であるから竹槍訓練等は勿論やる必要もない。軍の予定している訓練の重点は精神教育であり、特に与えられる任務に対し単一精鋭なることを原則としている。従ってあれもこれもやる必要はない。つまり与えられた一つの任務を立派にやればよい。訓練には余計な時間をさかず、出来るだけ短い時間を活用してやる。特に訓練即生産ともいうべき生産と一体的な訓練方法を工夫することが強調されている。

命令系統構成：これは勅令で明かにされるが鉄道、通信は別として地区戦闘隊は町村を単位とし軍に聯合戦闘隊を設ける。これらの指揮権は当該地区の軍司令官にある。

年齢其の他：戦闘隊は気力体力を要するので年齢は義勇隊の男六十五歳、女四十五歳から各五歳切り下げられ、男六十、女四十なでと定められている。しかして年齢外のものでも志願によって戦闘隊に加わることが出来る。除外例としては応召、入営者、病人、妊産婦その保護要員及びその他聯隊区司令官が余人を以て換えられないと認めるものであるが、要するに働けるものの総てが戦闘隊員になるわけである。

賞罰：戦闘隊員は義勇兵であるから軍紀の下に軍人として待遇される。行賞は勿論一般軍人と同じで金鵄勲章も授賜され、靖国神社に祀られる。罰は陸海軍法会議に附することなく緩和して適用されることとなっている。

京城日報 1945年8月4日

逞し独立義勇隊
輸送隊を編成
自動車、牛馬者両隊近く発進

本土決戦に備える半島の国民義勇隊は勇壮に進発しているが、有事の場合最も重要である陸上輸送、就中鮮鉄を除いた自動車、牛馬車等の小運送部門に対し、総督府は国民義勇輸送隊を編成し、一糸紊れざる統制下に活発なる活動態勢を整備することになった。

此輸送隊は国民義勇自動車隊と牛馬車を打って一丸とする国民義勇小運搬隊に分れ自動車隊は自動車統制会社に本部を置き各道に大隊をおくことになっている。小運搬隊は各道に本部、各警察署に大隊、駐在所に中隊を置き、其下に小隊、分隊を置き、これらの隊員は職域、地域の義勇隊には編入されない。

単独協力なる義勇隊とし一度命下れば戦闘隊に切り替えられるものである。此最も重要なる輸送隊の運営に付、総督府は四、五の両日各道輸送保安課長を召集、運営指揮の打合せを行う。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

See also: (June 17, 1945 Q and A regarding mass mobilization): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2023/10/in-june-1945-imperial-japan-announced.html

February 1943 news article of British prisoners of war interviewed by their Imperial Army captors in Keijo (Seoul) POW camp

This is a news article from February 1943, published in Keijo Nippo newspaper, an organ of the Imperial Japanese colonial regime which ruled Korea from 1905 to 1945, featuring an interview with British Prisoners of War who were held captive in Seoul (then called Keijo in Japanese) during World War II. For this post, I co-partnered with Richard Baker, an independent researcher who is currently writing a book on the experiences of the POWs who were shipped to Korea for propaganda purposes. He also has a Master's by Research postgraduate thesis on Keijo camp which can be found at this link: https://kar.kent.ac.uk/72789/

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) February 15, 1943

The Day Singapore Fell

Listening to the British Prisoners of War

The Superior Attack of the Imperial Army

Deep Gratitude for their Fair Treatment

The Dawn of Greater East Asia. It has been a year since Singapore, the proud bastion of the British invasion of East Asia, fell on that significant day in history. On February 15, 1942, at 7 PM, our General Yamashita met with the enemy General Percival. With decisive words from General Yamashita demanding a "Yes or No" answer, Percival signed the unconditional surrender at 7:50 PM with his trembling hand. The fierce battle for Singapore, breaking through the jungle and trudging through the mud, ceased here. This day is celebrated as "The Fall of Singapore".

The interviewed British Prisoners of War:

• Commander of the 2nd Battalion, Loyal Regiment: Colonel Elrington (age 45)
• Company Commander of the same, Major Leighton (age 33)
• Adjutant of the 2nd Battalion, Captain Paque (age 36)
• Attached Warrant Officer of the 3rd Company: Moffat (age 39)
• Mortar Company Sergeant and Platoon Leader: Sergeant Strange (age 29)
• Platoon Leader of the 1st Company, 2nd Battalion, Loyal Regiment: Lance Corporal Ankers (age 31)

Q: When did you start preparing for defense on the Malay Peninsula? And how long did you think Singapore would hold out?

Colonel Elrington: My battalion was transferred from Shanghai to Singapore on April 6, 1938. We thought Singapore would hold out forever.

Q: Can a non-commissioned officer become a platoon leader in the British Army?

Sergeant Strange: Normally, it is an officer's position, but when my unit moved to Malaya, our platoon leader was injured, so I took over.

Q: Where were you captured during battle?

Captain Paque: We were not captured. We were told by Commander Percival to lay down our arms.

Q: Where were you at that time?

Captain Paque: I was in the Gilman Barracks in the Alexander area.

Q: How was the battle against the Japanese forces?

Colonel Elrington: On February 8th and 9th, the Japanese attacked from the northeast and northwest, but we didn't know where the attack would come from. There were no defense facilities on the west coast before the war. The Australian and Indian troops confronted the Japanese here, and after two days, we were pushed back to Bukit Timah. Our battalion was ordered to move from our barracks to Bukit Timah on the 10th, and we held our position near Bukit Timah until the night of the 12th. On the 12th, we saw Japanese troops breaking through the jungle and moving behind us. These Japanese troops were excellent soldiers.

On the 13th, we received orders to retreat to Buonavista, and that night we fell back to Alexander Road. At that time, the Japanese army was advancing rapidly along roads of Bukit Timah with tanks and infantry. On the 14th and 15th, our battalion defended the Gilman Barracks while being attacked by Japanese artillery and from the air. This battle was the closest we had fought.

We were astonished by the fierce attack of the Japanese. There were bayonet charges by Major Leighton (2nd Company) and Warrant Officer Moffat (attached to the 3rd Company) until the evening of the 14th, but against the Japanese charging with bayonets, our team could only counter with machine guns. No matter how much we shot, the Japanese soldiers kept coming like little demons. It felt like they were not human. In this fierce battle, only a few members of our 2nd and 3rd companies survived.

Our battalion's left wing had a Malay battalion. The Japanese broke through there and took control of the sea near the left wing. I had to order the next line of defense to be set up on Washington Hill as the battalion commander. This was between 2 and 3 PM on the 15th. At 8 PM, we received an order from General Percival for everyone to surrender. The next day, a Japanese officer came and praised the Loyal Regiment for its bravery.

Captain Paque: Our first encounter with the Japanese army was on January 14 in Segamat. We were bombed, but it was not a battle, we retreated. The Japanese Army we were facing at that time had beautifully broken through the rubber plantations and the jungle, coming around the sea to our rear.

Colonel Elrington: In the battle at Payong, between Muar and Yong Peng, seven Japanese tanks appeared, and the infantry advanced.

Major Leighton: The Japanese tanks broke through the normal barbed wire and anti-tank mine obstacles, but there was no engagement, and we retreated on that day.

Warrant Officer Moffat: We could never predict the actions of the Japanese army; they always came around from behind, forcing us to retreat. The Japanese Army was very good at mobile operations.

Colonel Elrington: We had lost 40% of our soldiers by the time we retreated to Singapore. We arrived in Singapore by truck on the 26th and were re-equipped as a reinforcement unit.

Warrant Officer Moffat: When crossing Johor, we had not yet seen the Japanese army.

Q: How did you feel when Singapore fell?

Colonel Elrington: I was surprised when I received the order to surrender. We did not anticipate this. We had fought with all our might, but there was no choice once the order was received.

Q: How did you feel when you heard that the Japanese army had landed in Singapore?

Colonel Elrington: I expected it at that time.

Captain Paque: We were prepared to fight until we were all killed, but there was no choice once the order was received.

Q: What do you think was the cause of the fall of Singapore?

Colonel Elrington: The facilities for defense against attacks from the north were not sufficient. Singapore was defended facing the southern sea. Also, the air force was very weak. The direct cause of the surrender was "to avoid civilian casualties and destruction of the city, as the Japanese army had taken control of the water supply," as General Percival said.

Lance Corporal Ankers: The Japanese army was numerically superior, and their air bombing was skilled; we were just defending our position.

Sergeant Strange: I was injured in the hand by a rifle bullet during the battle at the Gilman Barracks. I still have that bullet as a souvenir.

Colonel Elrington: The Japanese army was good at mobile operations like breaking through the jungle and attacking unexpectedly.

Q: So, are you saying that the Japanese Army's attack through the jungle and mud, striking from unexpected places, was ungentlemanly?

Colonel Elrington: No, no, that is not the case. In our army, the motto is "All is fair in love and war." The Japanese Army's attack was excellent.

Q: Colonel Elrington, what was the last order that you gave to your subordinates?

Colonel Elrington: I ordered each company to pile up their weapons and wait for orders from the Japanese Army, and I gave the following message to everyone: "I am pleased that you have fought very well. We surrender not because of your mistakes, but because of orders. Remember your comrades who showed duty and discipline in death and defeat. Do not disgrace the honor of the Loyal Regiment even as prisoners of war." Currently, we do not harbor any hostility towards Japan as soldiers.

Warrant Officer Moffat: All of us are grateful for our fair treatment by the Japanese Army.

【Censored by the Korean Military】

[Background Notes]

Prisoners of War served two functions for the Japanese: they provided slave labor, and they were exploited for propaganda. Prime Minister Tojo decreed that POWs would be located across Japanese territories to establish confidence in a Japanese victory amongst the local populations and to eradicate any lingering sense of western superiority amongst the people. A group of about 1000 POWs were sent to Korea for this purpose. But prisoners could serve another propaganda purpose, by providing accounts of Japanese military successes. As soon as the prisoners arrived in Korea, they were interviewed by reporters who wanted to hear all about their defeat in Malaya.

The account of the Malayan campaign and the Fall of Singapore in the newspaper article is based on a substratum of truth overlaid with Japanese inventions. The prisoners they interviewed were members of the 2nd Battalion, Loyal Regiment, who had been stationed at Singapore since 1938. In the interview, their senior officer, Colonel ‘Bill’ Elrington rightly admits that the northern defences on Singapore island were inadequate, and that the Japanese were more mobile than the forces under the command of Percival. Most of the British and Dominion troops lacked training in jungle warfare and were constantly outflanked by the Japanese, who made rapid progress down the Malayan peninsula. He also states, correctly, that the Japanese were able to establish air superiority from the early days of the fighting, and this was a significant contributory factor in the Japanese victory. Elrington’s men fought bravely and were indeed congratulated by their opponents immediately after the capitulation. But they suffered heavy losses: the total of 40% given by Elrington is possibly an under-estimate. The bayonet charges mentioned in the article are fictitious, although the Japanese troops did use bayonets in the last days of fighting, when they killed approximately 200 patients and staff in Alexandra Military hospital.

The interviewees would never had said that they felt 'deep gratitude' towards their captors: this is a trope of Japanese POW propaganda, nor would they have articulated the overly effusive praises for the Japanese soldiers that are attributed to them. Nevertheless, the reported words of the prisoners offer a real sense of the speaker's personality: something of Captain Paque's pugnacious and combative attitude towards his captors is seen when he tells the interviewers that the Loyals did not surrender of their own volition, but were ordered to, and were ready to fight to the death. What the article misses is that the men they interviewed all believed that the defeat was the result of poor leadership from the Commander-in-chief, Lieutenant General Percival and his senior staff. Later, it would be accepted that both the British armed forces and the British government had been complacent and wrongly assumed that they would be technologically and militarily superior to any Japanese fighting forces that dared to attack Singapore.

The prisoners were held at Keijo, a show camp, where visits by the Red Cross were manipulated to suggest that Japan was treating its captives fairly. Consequently, conditions in the camp were as good as in any Japanese POW camp. But the prisoners were regularly beaten, and lived on the verge of starvation. They suffered from diseases caused by malnutrition, the unhygienic living conditions and inadequate protection from the cold. At the time of the interview, Colonel Elrington was suffering from acute bronchitis which he had developed during the harsh Korean winter; his lungs never recovered. In 1945, the camp no longer served a useful propaganda purpose and Elrington was informed that, like the prisoners in the other camps in Korea, he and his men would all be executed in the event of a Russian or American invasion. Only the Japanese surrender prevented this.

The following is an excerpt from the diary of a fellow POW, A. V. Toze, which was at the Imperial War Museum in London:

February 12th 1943

Stan [Strange] together with Colonel E.[Elrington] and others were hailed to press conference ‘Office’ at 2pm and were interviewed by a host of reporters about fighting in Malaya.

They wanted to know why so many surrendered, were disappointed to learn that there were no bayonet fights, couldn’t understand ‘all’s fair in love and war’, the answer given to question ‘Did we consider the Japanese soldiers’ methods honourable?’

Colonel Elrington

Propaganda photo taken at camp cemetery, 1944. Captain Paque is standing far left of the picture, and Colonel Elrington is behind him, slightly to the right

More photos of Colonel Elrington and other fellow prisoners of war, including Captain Paque and Major Leighton

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年2月15日

シンガポール崩るるの日

在鮮英俘虜にきく

優秀な皇軍の攻撃

正遇に心から感謝

大東亜の黎明。英国が東亜侵略の牙城として世界に誇ったシンガポールが陥落して一周年。大いなる歴史の日。昭和十七年二月十五日午後七時、わが山下将軍と敵将パーシバルと会見。”イェス”か”ノー”か断乎たる山下将軍の一声にパーシバルが震える手で無条件降伏に署名したのが同五十分ジャングルを突破し泥濘を踏み越え凄絶極まるシンガポール攻略戦はここに停戦したのだ。この日”祝シンガポール陥落”。

語る英軍俘虜：

• ローヤル聯隊第二大隊長：中佐エリントン（四五）
• 同第二中隊長少佐：ライトン（三三）
• 同第二大隊副官大尉：ペイク（三六）
• 同第三中隊附属准尉：モファット（三九）
• 迫撃砲中隊小隊長軍曹：ストレンジ（二九）
• ローヤル聯隊第二大隊第一中隊分隊長兵長：アンカース（三一）

問：マレー半島の防備には何時から就いたか？またシンガポールは何時までもちこたえると思っていたのか？

エリントン中佐：自分の大隊は一九三八年四月六日上海からシンガポールに移駐したのである。シンガポールは永久に持ちこたえると思っていた。

問：英軍は下士官でも小隊長になれるのか？

ストレンジ軍曹：普通は将校であるが、自分の隊はマレーに進んだ時、小隊長が負傷したので自分が代ったわけだ。

問：何処の戦闘で俘虜になったか？

ペイク大尉：自分達は捕らえられたのではない。パーシバル司令官から武器を捨てるようにいわれたのだ。

問：その時は何処に居たか？

ペイク大尉：アレキサンダー地区のギルマン兵営にいた。

問：日本軍との戦闘経過はどうか？

エリントン中佐：二月八九日に日本軍が東北と西北の二方面から攻撃してきたのであるが、自分達は日本軍から何処から攻撃してくるか判らなかった。戦前西海岸には防御設備はなかったのであり、此処で日本軍に対抗したのは豪州兵と印度兵であり、二日後にはブキテマ高地まで押されてしまったのである。自分達の聯隊は二月十日ブラクからブキテマへ行くよう命令され、わが大隊は十二日夜中までプキテマ附近で防備し待ちこたえていた。十二日になってから日本の兵隊がジャングルを突破し、自分の隊の後方に廻ってくるのを見受けた。これらの日本の兵隊は優秀な兵隊であった。

十三日、ボナビスターまで退却するように命令を受け、その夜アレキサンダーの街道へ後退した。この頃日本軍はブキテマ街道を戦車と歩兵で猛進撃し来った。十四、五の両日わが大隊は日本軍の砲兵と空中から攻撃を受けながらギルマン兵営を防御したのであるが、この戦闘が最も近接して戦ったものであった。

日本軍の猛烈なる攻撃には全く驚嘆した。白兵戦はライトン少佐（第二中隊）とモファット准尉（第三中隊附）とが十四日の夕方まで行ったのであるが、日本の兵隊は銃剣で突き込んでくるのに対し、わが隊は機関銃で対抗し、いくら撃っても日本の兵隊は小さな鬼のようにつぎからつぎと突き込んでくる。これには如何の精巧な機関銃でも駄目だった。日本の兵隊は人間ではないような気持ちがした。この激戦でわが第二、三中隊は僅か数名しか残さずやられてしまった。

自分達の大隊の左翼にマレー人の大隊が居た。これに日本軍が突入し左翼の海に近い方を日本軍が押さえたのである。仕方なく自分は大隊長として次の防備線はワシントン丘に新陣地を占めるよう命令した。これは十五日の午後二時から三時の間であった。夜八時パーシバル将軍から『全員降伏せよ』と命令がきた。翌日、日本軍の将校がきてローヤル聯隊は勇敢であったと讃えていた。

ペイク大尉：一月十四日、セーガーマットで日本軍と遭遇したのが最初であり、爆撃を受けたが戦闘ではなく退却した。この時対峙していた日本軍はゴム林とジャングルを見事に突破し海を通ってわが軍の後に廻ってきたのだ。

エリントン中佐：ムーアとホンベンの間に当るペーアンの戦闘には日本の戦車七台が現れ、歩兵が前進してきた。

ライトン少佐：普通の鉄条網と対戦車地雷で作った戦車障碍を日本の戦車が突破してきたが、交戦はなく、その日のうちに退却した。

モファット准尉：日本軍の行動は全く予想出来ず、後に廻ってくるので、いつも退却していた。日本軍は機動作戦が実に上手だ。

エリントン中佐：シンガポールに退却するまで四〇％の兵を失っていた。二十六日トラックでシンガポールに到着し補充隊として装備を整えていた。

モファット准尉：ジョホールを渡るときは日本軍の姿はまだ見えなかった。

問：シンガポール陥落の時の気持ちはどうだった？

エリントン中佐：降伏の命令を受けたときはビックリした。自分らはこんなことを予期してはいなかった。自分らは全力を尽くして戦ってきたが、命令を受けたから仕方がなかったのだ。

問：シンガポールに日本軍が上陸した報を聴いた時の気持ちは？

エリントン中佐：その時は予期していた。

ペイク大尉：自分達は全部殺されるまで戦う意志をもっていたが、命令を受けたから仕方がない。

問：シンガポール陥落の原因は何処にあると思うか？

エリントン中佐：北の方からの攻撃に対する設備は充分でなかった。シンガポールは南の海に面して防備していたのである。また空軍が非常に貧弱であった。降伏の直接の原因は”住民の死傷と街を壊さぬことことに日本軍が水道を占領していた”ことであり、これはパーシバル将軍の言でもある。

アンカース兵長：日本軍は数的にも優勢であり、空中からの爆撃が上手で自分等は陣地を守るだけだった。

ストレンジ軍曹：自分はギルマン兵営で戦闘中小銃弾が手先に当り負傷した。その時の記念に今でもその弾をもっている。

エリントン中佐：日本軍はジャングル突破などの機動作戦が上手で意表外な所から攻撃してくる。

問：では日本軍はジャングルを突き泥濘を冒し意外な所から攻撃するので非紳士的であるというのか？

エリントン中佐：いやいや、そうではない。自分らの軍隊では”戦争と恋愛とに於いては何をしても正しい”という標語である。日本軍攻撃は優秀である。

問：エリントン隊長が最後に部下に与えた訓示はどんなものか？

エリントン中佐：各中隊毎に武器を積み上げ日本軍の命令を待てと命令し、つぎのメッセージを全員に告げた：「自分は諸君が非常によく戦ったことを喜ぶ。諸君自身のあやまちではなく命令を受けたので降伏する。戦死に当り敗北に際しても義務と規律を示した諸君の戦友を記憶せよ。俘虜となってもローヤル聯隊の名誉を辱めるな」というのである。現在自分達は軍人として日本に対して敵意を持っていない。

モファット准尉：我々一同は日本軍の正遇に感謝している。

【朝鮮軍検閲済み】

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-02-15/mode/1up

“If Japan loses, Koreans will fight each other, divided by foreign powers”: June 1945 warning by Korean collaborator (박춘금, 朴春琴) who urged authorities to redirect Korean nationalism into support for Imperial Japan

This is a translation of a Japanese newspaper roundtable discussion from June 1945, held just two months before Imperial Japan’s defeat in World War II. The participants included senior Japanese officials—an army major general, colonial administrators, and publishing executives—as well as Park Chun-geum, a prominent Korean collaborator and former parliamentarian who was highly trusted by the colonial regime.

Despite his reputation, Park offers an unusually lucid view into the mindset of Koreans at the time. He had spoken directly with Korean youth who feared that if Imperial Japan lost, the peninsula would descend into chaos. Multiple foreign powers—the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, the Chinese Nationalists (Chongqing), and pro-Japanese factions—would all try to assert control. Park warns that Koreans would end up fighting each other, and that the only way to prevent this disaster was for Imperial Japan to trust Koreans, give them hope, and reframe the war as a defense of Korea itself.

Park was essentially calling for a redirection of Korean nationalism—not its suppression—toward protecting the homeland by fighting under the Imperial Japanese banner.

But the Japanese participants could not comprehend this, and ignored Park's concerns. They refused to leave their own reality bubble, insisting upon maintaining the ideology of naisen ittai (內鮮一體, Japanese-Korean Unification), which was fundamentally incompatible with permitting Korean nationalism. This meeting is a striking case of hypernormalization—a regime clinging to its official ideology and pretending that business as usual could continue, even as the empire was disintegrating.

What makes this article especially remarkable is that it was published during the final phase of the Battle of Okinawa, with the clear possibility that the Korean peninsula itself could soon become a battlefield. For years, propaganda had vaguely warned that “we will become slaves” if Imperial Japan lost—but here, for the first time, you see detailed, realistic predictions: a fragmented, occupied Korea and internecine warfare. That level of candor—speculation on Imperial Japan’s defeat and Korea’s postwar future—appearing in a Japanese newspaper in 1945 is extraordinary.

Even more striking, the article predicts that Soviet forces would enter Korea, despite the USSR not yet being at war with Imperial Japan at the time. The only real inaccuracy is the assumption that the Chinese Nationalists (referred to as "Chongqing" after their capital) would prevail in China’s civil war. Otherwise, the forecast is hauntingly accurate.

The roundtable also touches on the organization of Korean Volunteer Corps, intended to mobilize civilians—even girls as young as 12—into makeshift militias similar to Germany’s Volkssturm. At this stage in the war, Japanese authorities were already training some Koreans with bamboo spears, preparing them for suicidal banzai charges against Allied forces.

In short, this roundtable reveals a desperate colonial regime completely out of touch with the sentiment of the Korean people, refusing to accept reality, and still insisting on ideological unity while the empire’s collapse was imminent.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) June 1, 1945

Expectations for the National Volunteer Corps
(Roundtable hosted by Keijo Nippo newspaper, Part 4)
Resolving Ideological Problems
Instill Political Ideals!

Mr. Park Chun-geum (박춘금, 朴春琴) (former member of the Diet): Until recently, I did not understand the feelings of the Korean youth. However, I sensed something lately and gathered some young people together. I asked them: “What do you think will happen to the Korean peninsula if Japan loses the war? And what will happen if Japan wins?” I asked them to speak frankly. They responded with something interesting:

“If Japan loses, five or six different forces will come into the Korean peninsula—such as the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, the Chongqing government, and pro-Japanese elements—splitting into factions and fighting among themselves. The 26 million people on the Korean peninsula will end up killing each other. That would bring the greatest misfortune to the Korean people. Therefore, we hope the Japanese people will fully trust the Koreans and allow us to contribute as well. We would like you, Chun-geum, to convey this message.”

Thus, I believe it is necessary to fully grasp the spirit of the youth. To achieve this, we must provide hope to the Korean people. Up until now, they have been told endlessly to become loyal subjects of the Empire. What is needed now is to give them hope. Entrust the structure of the national body to the Korean people and say, “You can do it. The peninsula is your homeland.”

In short, what is most important at this moment is that the Japanese people sincerely trust the Koreans and give them hope and a sense of cooperation. If we do that, the Korean people will gladly give their lives as Imperial subjects. Also, we must genuinely demonstrate that the motivation behind the Greater East Asia War is the liberation of the peoples of Asia.

I would like to see this kind of roundtable held once more, and with a broader range of participants. I believe it would be extremely effective in stimulating public opinion and providing useful guidance to the authorities.

Mr. Kurashige Shūzō (Imperial Army Major General, Secretary General of the Korea Headquarters of the Patriotic Women's Association): On the 14th, Prime Minister Suzuki clarified the operational policy of the National Volunteer Corps, stating that the Corps’ essential mission is to embody ethical principles and serve the nation.

I have always believed that the foundation of national governance lies in clarifying the national body and rectifying moral principles in order to carry out the war to its conclusion. From this perspective, I believe the National Volunteer Corps should become a central element of current political efforts.

Accordingly, in organizing this system, the government must ensure that its principles are thoroughly understood by the officials directly involved—the heads of provinces, districts (gun), prefectures, towns (eup), and townships (myeon).

Mr. Ishida Kōzō (President of Jinmonsha Publishing): Leaders should be chosen from among the local bosses with real political capability. Ultimately, without political skill, the endeavor will likely fail.

In any undertaking, I believe it is more effective when politically aware people are involved. Organizing a volunteer corps of 26 million requires instilling a political ideal. In order to instill a lofty ideal, political awareness is necessary.

Mr. Park: This is not a time to discuss the grand plans of a hundred years. What matters now is winning the war. To that end, we must secure even greater cooperation from the Korean people. That means giving them hope.

Mr. Matsumura Kōichi (Executive at Korean Aircraft Company, Director at the Ministry of Culture and Information): From what I have heard, two main issues have been raised. One is the matter of political awareness. To be clear, this is an ideological issue. In Korea, a national movement cannot be launched unless the ideological issues are resolved.

Therefore, if a National Volunteer Corps is to be created, we must resolve ideological problems to a certain degree, or else it will be ineffective. I believe no one would disagree with this.

The most solid method would be to resolve these ideological issues and then build the National Volunteer Corps with mainland Japanese at its core and Koreans supporting it.

Mr. Ishida: I fully agree with the first part of what you said. There is no alternative but to resolve Korea’s ideological issues before moving forward.

As for the lingering, unresolved ideological discontent that remains today, I believe it can only be resolved through something like the Volunteer Corps—something combat-oriented. This applies equally to both mainland Japan and Korea. There are unique elements to the complexity of Korea’s ideological issues.

Mr. Matsumura: There is a large qualitative difference between the Korean Volunteer Corps and that of mainland Japan. As for the ideological question, how can it be resolved? If mainland Japan fully trusts the Korean side, and the Korean side fully trusts mainland Japan, then it can be resolved. Achieving that trust will only be possible by fighting the war together. In organizing the Volunteer Corps, I believe Korea’s unique characteristics will naturally emerge.

Mr. Kurashige: The ideological issue is a difficult one, but in our Patriotic Women's Association, for example, when we gather and talk a few times, no real problems arise.

In other words, mutual understanding leads to resolution. If we develop close relationships with each other, we will understand one another. In that case, the concept of Japanese-Korean unification becomes a non-issue.

Mr. Yokomizo (President of Keijo Nippo newspaper): We are truly honored to have gathered you all here today—individuals with rich experience, deep insight, and aspirations regarding the national movement—to provide frank and unreserved opinions about the organization of the National Volunteer Corps.

For our newspaper, which bears the serious responsibility of guiding public opinion, today’s discussion was highly informative. Above all, all policy measures today must focus on winning this war. Therefore, even if a new structure for the National Volunteer Corps is established, it must ultimately aim to achieve maximum effectiveness for victory. All specific strategies must therefore be directed toward this objective.

(End)

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年6月1日

国民義勇隊に期待する（本社主催座談会４）
思想問題の解決
政治的理念を持たせよ

朴春琴氏（元代議士）：私は此の頃の半島青年の気持というものを知らなかった。ところが最近感ずるところがあって青年を集めて私は大体こういうことをいった。『日本が戦に負けたら半島の運命はどうなるか。それから日本が戦に勝ったら朝鮮の運命はどうか』、こういうことで忌憚なく話してくれといった。すると面白いことをいっていた。『日本が負ければ今度は半島には五つも六つもの勢力が入って来る。例えば米英とかソ連とか重慶とか或は親日とかそういうような分子に分れてお互いに闘争する。そうすると二千六百万がお互いに殺しっこをやる。こうなったら半島人は最も大いなる不幸に陥る。故に我々はこう考える日本人が全面的に朝鮮人を信頼して我々にも働かせて貰いたい。そのことを春琴さんから話してくれ』、とそういうことをいっていた。

そこで青年達の魂というものを相当掴む必要があると思う。それがためには何とか半島人に希望を与えなくてはならぬ。今まで単に、お前たちは皇国臣民になれということを耳にタコが出来る程いわれている。そこで希望を与えることだ。今度の国体も半島人に委してお前達がやるのだ。半島はお前達の郷里だという風にやる。何といってもこの際は内地人が大きな気持で半島人を信頼して希望を持たして協力せよというならば、半島人は喜んで皇国臣民として命も捨てる気になる。そして日本民族が大東亜戦争を起した動機はアジア民族の解放にあるのだということを本当に示してやる。

今日のような会をもう一回やってほしい。そして出席者の範囲をもっと広くしてやってほしい。そしたら当局の参考に与論の振起に非常に効果があると思う。

倉茂周蔵氏（陸軍少将、日婦朝鮮本部事務総長）：十四日に鈴木首相は国民義勇隊の運営方針を明らかにされたが、国民義勇隊員は道義をもって国民を貫くことをもって本義と致すものであるといわれた。私は国政の基本は国体を明かにし名分を正し、もって戦争を完遂するにあると常々考えているのであるが、この国民義勇隊はこの意味から申しても今日の政治の要点になるべきものであると思う。

従ってこの組織に当っては政府側においても直接その衝に当る道、郡、府、邑、面、等の長に対してよく其の趣旨を徹底せしめられたい。

石田耕造氏（人文社社長）：指導者は一地方の親分で政治的能力のある人物を選ぶがよい。要するに政治的能力乃至手腕の少ない人はどうもうまく行かないのではないかと思う。何事にもこの運動の展開には政治性を持つ方が効果がありはしないかと思う。二千六百万で義勇隊を組織するということは矢張りそこに政治的理念を持たせる方がよいのではないか。高い理念を持たせるには結局政治性を持たせなくてはならんと思う。

朴氏：百年の大計を今日論ずるのではない。勝てばよいのである。それがためには半島人として一層協力せしむることである。それには希望を与えることが必要であると思う。

松村紘一氏（朝鮮飛行機重役、文報理事）：色々お話を承ったが、要するに問題は二つ提出されていると思う。政治性という問題、これをハッキリ申し上げると思想問題であって結局朝鮮では国民運動は思想問題を解決してからでないと出来ない訳だから、国民義勇隊をつくるならば思想問題にある程度解決を与えないと実効がない。これは何人も異存のないことと思う。そこでこの思想問題を解決して国民義勇隊というものを内地人を中心にしてつくり半島人の方でついていくという方法が一番堅実ではないかと思う。

石田氏：只今のお話の前半には全く賛成である。朝鮮の思想問題を解決して然る後にやる外ないと思う。

今日なお残っている釈然たらざる思想的不満は何によって解決するかということ、これは義勇隊的なそういう戦闘的なものでないと解決出来ないと思う。これは内地側においても朝鮮側においても同じである。朝鮮の思想問題の難しさは独特のものがあると思う。

松村氏：朝鮮の義勇隊と内地側とでは非常に質的に差異があると思う。それから思想問題だが、これをどういう方法で解決するかといえば、内地側は朝鮮側を全面的に信頼し、朝鮮側は内地側を全面的に信頼すれば解決する訳である。これをやることは一緒に戦争をやる外はないと思う。義勇隊組織ということについては朝鮮の特性というものが現れて来ると思う。

倉茂氏：思想問題ということについては難しい問題だが私の方の婦人会等でも二三回集って話をすると結局何も問題は起こらない。つまりよく諒解し合うからである。お互いに親しくすればよく判ることで内鮮一体も何もないと思う。

横溝社長：国民運動について豊富な御経験、御識見また御抱負をもっていられる皆さん方のお集まりを戴き当面の国民義勇隊の組織に関して、最も忌憚のない批判を仰ぎましたことは私共の誠にしあわせとするところです。

与論指導に重大使命を持っている本社としては大変よい参考と相なった訳です。何といっても今日のすべての施策はこの戦争に戦い勝つということに集中しなければならぬ。

この故に、将来つくられる国民義勇隊の新機構といっても結局は勝つために最大の効率を発揮させなければならないのである。従ってそれぞれの具体的な方策はこの目標に集中せられることと思う（終り）。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

“Even Dreams Must Be in Japanese”: Imperial Japan’s Chilling 1943 Wartime Propaganda for Korean Assimilation

These propaganda cartoons, serialized in 1943 during the height of Imperial Japan’s war mobilization, were aimed at the Korean audience. Through cheerful imagery, they depict militarization, economic exploitation, and cultural erasure as progress and enlightenment. 

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 22, 1943

 

Translated below:

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 29, 1943

Translated below:

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, December 2, 1943

Translated below:

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 22, 1943

Frame 1 (マ・MA): 真面目な生活、和やかな愛国班
Earnest living, harmonious Patriotic Group

Korean “patriotic groups” (愛国班) were grassroots neighborhood cells comprising a few households which facilitated wartime mobilization, resource control, and ideological indoctrination. The cells also imposed surveillance and compliance, fostering an environment of coercion and control. The Japanese flags on every house signal loyalty to the Empire, demanding unity and ideological purity from all families — including colonized Koreans.

Frame 2 (ミ・MI): 南に北に真心の慰問袋
Sincere care packages sent to the north and to the south

Anthropomorphized care packages march with cheerful faces. These care packages were prepared by schoolchildren and "patriotic women" who included things like books, picture scrolls, sweets, photos, newspaper clippings, poetry, dolls, senninbari cloths, etc.

Frame 3 (ム・MU): 無駄をなくした良いお嫁
A good bride who got rid of waste

A humbly dressed Korean woman, newly married, embodies self-sacrifice. Her patched monpe pants and travel pack reinforce the romanticized thrift and simplicity expected from colonized women in service of the war.

Frame 4 (メ・ME): 目よりも大事な孫も志願兵
Even more precious than one's eyes, the grandson becomes a volunteer soldier

The old Korean grandfather's pride as he sends his grandson off to war exposes the enforced loyalty expected from colonial families. 

Frame 5 (モ・MO): 『もしもし』電話も正しい国語
Even when saying “Hello?” over the phone, proper Japanese must be spoken

A Korean woman is shown speaking Japanese on the phone. Language suppression was central to Japan's colonial rule — Korean was suppressed in schools and public life, and cartoons like this normalized linguistic erasure.

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 29, 1943

Frame 1 (ヤ・YA): 破れかぶれ、アメリカの負け戦
Desperate and reckless — America’s losing war

Roosevelt, depicted cartoonishly, watches his planes crash. This blatant propaganda mocks the Allies while reinforcing Imperial Japan's self-perception of invincibility — a view they expected Koreans to adopt.

Frame 2 (イ・I): 石にかじりついても勝ち抜くぞ！（負けるもんかっ！）
We are determined to win even if we have to bite into rocks! (We will not lose!)

A crazed man bites a rock — symbolizing blind perseverance. 

Frame 3 (ユ・YU): 夢の中でも国語でお話（先生、セーンセイ、ムニャムニャ）
Speaking Japanese even in your dreams. (Teacher... teeaaacher... mumble mumble)

A Korean child, dreaming in Japanese, reveals the extent of desired assimilation. The subconscious itself was not allowed to remain Korean.

Frame 4 (エ・E): 枝や切り株は松炭油に
Branches and stumps become pine charcoal oil

Farmers were expected to scavenge wood for fuel production, supporting the war economy. Total war mobilization extended even into rural Korean life.

Frame 5 (ヨ・YO): 夜なべに叺や草鞋つくり
Making straw bags and sandals late into the night

A Korean couple toils under a light bulb, producing straw bags or straw sandals using traditional techniques. The straw bags were known 'gamani' (가마니) in Korean or 'kamasu' in Japanese. They were traditionally made in the winter, and used to transport everything including manure, coal, salt, and grain. First, the straw is weaved into rope, and then the rope is used to weave the fabric that forms the bag.

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, December 2, 1943

Frame 1 (ワ・WA): 忘れるな！十二月八日の感激！（やったぞ！やったー！大本営万歳！十二月八日！）
Never forget the excitement of December 8th! (We did it! Hurrah! Long live Imperial HQ! December 8th!)

December 8, 1941 was the day of the Pearl Harbor attack. The cartoon rewrites history to portray it as a triumphant moment that all subjects — including Koreans — should cherish.

Frame 2 (ヰ・WI): 遺族や出征家族に銃後の真心（誉れの家、援護）
True spirit on the home front for bereaved and deployed families (House of honor, support)

A giant hand labeled "Support" protects a house labeled "House of Honor." Families were coerced into viewing military sacrifice not as tragedy, but as privilege.

Frame 3 (ウ・U): 嬉しいこと、国語で書けたこの手紙
What a happy occasion! I was able to write this letter in Japanese

A smiling and singing Korean woman celebrates being able to write in Japanese. This idealized scene masks the violent suppression of Korean literacy and identity.

Frame 4 (ヱ・WE): 笑顔で売り買い、明るい生活
Buying and selling with a smile — a cheerful life

Two Koreans smile to each other as goods are exchanged. The colonial regime conducted "kindness" campaigns to induce shopkeepers to improve their manners by smiling more often and speaking Japanese.

Frame 5 (ヲ・WO): おじさんは陸軍へ、兄さんは海軍へ
My uncle went to the Army, and my big brother to the Navy

A young girl waves the Japanese and Rising Sun flags. Indoctrination begins in childhood — glorifying militarism and the enlistment of Korean men into Imperial Japan's war machine.

These cartoons reveal how deep Imperial Japan’s psychological manipulation ran — coercing Koreans into erasing their identity, language, and even familial bonds for the sake of a foreign Empire. Every frame promotes joy in submission, glorifying assimilation and military servitude. This propaganda targeted even Korean children’s dreams — literally.

These AIUEO March cartoon strips were part of a larger Japanese-language four-page supplement published in Maeil Sinbo (매일신보 / 每日申報), the last remaining Korean-language newspaper during the Imperial Japanese colonial period. By 1940, all other Korean-language publications had been shut down, and Maeil Sinbo, under strict Japanese control as a tool for Imperial propaganda, became the last operational Korean-language newspaper in Korea.

This supplement was written in basic Japanese, primarily using Hiragana and Katakana, to make it accessible to Koreans with limited Japanese literacy. But it was not just a language learning aid - it also doubled as a war propaganda medium. 

Each AIUEO cartoon strip is organized around a five-character sequence of the Japanese kana syllabary, such as ka-ki-ku-ke-ko (カキクケコ) or sa-shi-su-se-so (サシスセソ), and is divided into five panels. Each panel begins with a different kana character from that set, illustrating an ideal picture of life in Korea that was promoted as a part of Imperial Japanese propaganda.  The panels may have been meant to be cut out and used as iroha karuta playing cards for entertainment.

These particular cartoon strips, published on November 22th, November 29th, and December 2, 1943, were organized around the ma-mi-mu-me-mo (マミムメモ), ya-yu-yo (ヤユヨ), and wa-wo-n (ワヲン) kana groups, respectively. However, the last two kana groups were modified in the cartoon strips to become ya-i-yu-e-yo (ヤイユエヨ) and wa-wi-u-we-wo (ワヰウヱヲ). The last modified Kana group has the now-obsolete kana letters ヰ and ヱ, which used to be respectively pronounced as wi and we in ancient Japanese, but now respectively pronounced as i and e in modern Japanese.

I carefully browsed the October, November, and December 1943 collections of Maeil Sinbo in the Digital Newspaper Archives of the National Library of Korea, and I have now posted all the AIUEO cartoon strips for every kana group except for two: a-i-u-e-o (アイウエオ) and ra-ri-ru-re-ro (ラリルレロ). I'm not sure if they were never published, got lost when the newspaper archive was established, or I simply missed them as I pored through the newspaper pages. 

For your convenience, the links to all the previously posted AIUEO March cartoon strips are listed below:

• KA-group: https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/04/imperial-japanese-cartoon-from-1943.html
• SA-, TA-, NA-groups: https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/04/propaganda-cartoons-from-1943-depict.html
• HA-group: https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/02/imperial-japanese-cartoon-from-1943.html