Imperial officials fanned out across rural Korea visiting townships one by one to indoctrinate villagers in Imperialist ideology in ‘Grassroots Penetration’ Campaign (March 1944)

For this post, I am examining two wartime propaganda articles to explore the hierarchical administrative structure that Imperial Japan used to forcibly and systematically indoctrinate all of Korea into becoming Japanese. During the final years of Imperial Japanese colonial rule over Korea, the Governor-General’s Office in Seoul frequently invoked the slogan “末端滲透” (mattan shintō)—“grassroots penetration.” This was not only about exerting the central government's authority in rural areas, but also about ideologically cleansing the countryside, where ordinary Korean villagers were still largely hostile to Imperial Japanese ideology and refused to identify as loyal “imperial subjects.”

To address this perceived shortcoming, the colonial government launched a coordinated campaign to send officials from Seoul out into the countryside to personally embed themselves in township (myeon, 面) offices. These officials were following the example of Governor-General Koiso, who made a spectacle of traveling to rural areas and holding face-to-face meetings with local officials in his much-publicized inspection tours of rural Korea.

The officials would travel to remote townships, live for several days inside the township office, and work alongside the local myeon leader and staff. They were there not only to provide “administrative guidance,” but to indoctrinate the township leaders with wartime ideology: mandatory Shinto religious observance, pushing for agricultural overproduction, enforcing conscription, and encouraging compulsory savings (see 1944 article below). During the inspection tours, Koiso asked the local myeon (township) leader in Gapyeong whether he had been conducting “rensei” (錬成, “training”), which was a euphemism for ideological indoctrination: compulsory bowing toward the Imperial Palace every morning, mandatory visits to Shinto shrines, adoption of Japanese language, Shinto purification rituals like misogi, and other practices intended to transform Koreans into loyal imperial subjects. 

From there, the expectation was that the indoctrinated myeon leader would spread these same ideas down the chain—to hamlet (ri) leaders within the township, who would then indoctrinate their own village residents (see 1943 article below). In theory, this trickle-down approach could have transformed the Korean countryside into a loyal outpost of Imperial Japan, but it did not work that way. The Japanese authorities underestimated the resilience of Korean national identity, language, and cultural autonomy. 

The indoctrinated myeon leader would have also been trained by the Seoul officials into techniques to persuade villagers into providing as much grain as possible to the Imperial Army. This 1944 article illustrates how the myeon leader may have overseen some horrific scenes of hardship and starvation as local farmers worked day and night, even cutting into their own personal grain supplies to meet the ambitious quotas imposed by the Imperial Army.

The colonial regime had mechanisms in place to try to ensure ideological compliance even after central officials left. Governor Koiso encouraged hamlet leaders to bypass the township chief and report directly to higher authorities like the county leader or police chief if they believed their myeon leader was not sufficiently loyal. This created a culture of surveillance and snitching, ensuring that everyone—from the top down—was watching each other for signs of ideological weakness. This was what “grassroots penetration” meant in practice: an oppressive system of top-down ideological enforcement, staged in the name of unity with Imperial Japan.

TL;DR: In 1943–44, Governor-General Koiso launched a top-down “grassroots penetration” (末端浸透) campaign of indoctrinating the Korean people in wartime Imperialist ideology and boost agricultural production. Seoul officials would tour the entire country and visit each township for a few days at a time to indoctrinate the township leaders, the township leaders would visit each hamlet to indoctrinate the hamlet leaders, and finally the hamlet leaders would indoctrinate the villagers.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) March 4, 1944

Devoted Service Deep in the Mountains
Bureau of Rural Affairs Chiefs Carry Out Grassroots Administration

The grassroots penetration of government administration, such as the delivery of agricultural products and other goods, encouragement of savings, and conscription procedures, is becoming increasingly important. Governor-General Koiso has continued to emphasize this at every opportunity.

In response, the Bureau of Local Affairs of the Government-General has dispatched a team of approximately ten staff members, including Chief Ōkubo, Administrative Officer Murakami, and Director Tanaka. Beginning on February 7, 1944, they embarked on a direct field survey of the realities of rural administration.

This initiative is not a conventional inspection or mere investigation. Rather, the officials are residing and working at township (myeon) offices, quietly carrying out duties themselves. By leading through action rather than words, they are teaching myeon officials administrative tasks and working to deepen their awareness of the wartime situation.

For instance, two days after leaving Sinuiju, Director Tanaka has already gone to the myeon office in Oksang-myeon (옥상면, 玉尚面), Uiju County, located thirty ri (approximately 12 kilometers) into the mountains of Uiju in North Pyongan Province. He stayed at the myeon office for one week, personally taking on the tasks of the myeon chief and clerks, cutting ration tickets, and leading by example in guiding the staff at the myeon office, all while closely observing actual conditions.

Administrative Officer Murakami is currently deployed to Ongjin County in Hwanghae Province, and other personnel are likewise active in Bocheon-myeon (보천면, 普天面) in South Hamgyeong Province, and Seosan County in South Chungcheong Province.

Chief Ōkubo will soon make an official visit as well, but in Seosan County, there is even a report that local villagers, moved by seeing central government officials taking the initiative to shovel snow, offered a small token of appreciation in gratitude.

In mountain villages where central government officials had never previously set foot, both myeon office staff and local residents have been greatly moved. Their recognition of the wartime situation has deepened significantly, and the campaign is yielding considerable positive results.

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) October 13, 1943

Governance that “Lives Together with the Residents”

Government-General Studies Permanent Residency of Township Staff in Hamlets
Reform of Grassroots Administrative Structure

With the establishment of new food departments in each province, the intensification of production, labor reinforcement measures, and institutions such as the Korea Research Institute, the decisive war structure of the embattled Korean Peninsula is moving forward ever more aggressively on all fronts. Governor-General Koiso’s vision is becoming increasingly sharpened and concrete. All twenty-five million people of the Korean peninsula are hastening to their respective positions on the battlefront of production as vanguard warriors.

However, unless these policies penetrate thoroughly into the very grassroots, their effectiveness will be incomplete. Governor-General Koiso has repeatedly emphasized this point. At a time when this necessity is becoming ever more pressing, the Government-General is responding by initiating reforms of the grassroots administrative machinery, and under the direction of Chief of Civil Affairs Tanaka, is undertaking a careful study.

Specifically, this refers to the organizational reform of township (myeon) offices. At the core of this reform is the idea previously expressed by the Chief of Civil Affairs: “Permanent residency of myeon officials in hamlets.”

That is, mid-level myeon officials would be assigned to hamlets—one or two officials per hamlets—where they would reside, dive into the hearts of the farming communities, and conduct administrative duties. They would share in the daily life of the villagers, morning and evening, while providing guidance and encouragement in all areas such as food production increases, food contributions, food storage, and resource collection. This system aims to reinforce the penetration of administrative functions to the grassroots level.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年3月4日
山奥に挺身執務
府地方課長ら末端行政

農作物その他の供出、貯蓄奨励、徴兵事務など行政の末端滲透は益益重要となっており、小磯総督も機会ある度に強調しているが、総督府地方課は大久保課長、村上事務官、田中理事官以下約十名の職員が出動し去る二月七日から地方行政の実態調査に乗り出しているが、之は従来の査察とか、単なる調査ではなく、職員が面事務所で起居し自ら黙々と執務し、口先きのみでなく身をもって面職員に事務を教え、或は時局認識の徹底を図っているもので、既に田中理事官は新義州から二日間、義州から三十里の山奥である平北道義州郡玉尚面の面事務所に約一週間泊り込み、面長の仕事、書記の事務を執ったり配給票を切ったり、率先して面職員を指導する傍ら実態を調査しており、村上事務官も目下黄海道甕津郡に出動しており、その他の職員は咸南道普天面や忠南道瑞山郡等にも出動中で、近く大久保課長も出張するが、瑞山郡では本府職員が率先して雪かきを行っているのを部落民が見て若干の謝礼金をだしたという事実もあり、かつて本府職員が行ったこともない山奥の面では、面職員をはじめ部落民が非常に感激し時局の認識も深め多大の効果を挙げつつある。

京城日報 1943年10月13日
住民と共に生きる政治
本府面職員の部落常駐を研究
末端行政機構改革

各道食糧部の新設、生産増強、労務強化対策、朝鮮研究所等々戦う半島の決戦体制は各面に亘り愈々強行進軍を開始し小磯理念は益々鋭く具体化しており、二千五百万の半島民衆は生産戦の尖兵として一人残らず戦闘配置に急いでいるが、これらの施策が更に徹底的に末端へ滲透しなければならぬことは小磯総督が幾度か強調したことであり、その要は加速度的に重要化しているとき総督府ではこれに対応し末端行政機構の改革に着手。田中政務総監の手もとで慎重に検討している。
即ち面事務所の機構改革がそれであるが、これはかつて政務総監が語った『面職員の部落常駐』がその骨子となっているもので、面の中堅職員が一部落に一、二人が居を構え農民の懐ろに飛び込んで事務を執り朝、夕起居を共にし、食糧の増産に供出に貯蓄に資源回収にと凡ゆる面に亘り指導督励に当らんとするものであり、これにより行政の末端滲透を強化せんとするものである。

Source: Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive 

See also:

• Koiso’s 1943 ‘Great Leader’ Strongman Tours: Surprise village inspections to intimidate local leaders and impose Japanese language and culture all over the Korean countryside (link)

• Korean rice farmers barely survived eating grass roots as they worked tirelessly to meet the rice quotas imposed by the Imperial Army in 1944, even sacrificing their own personal rice supplies to face starvation under pressure from the police inspector and the township chief (link)

Koiso’s 1943 Strongman Tours: Surprise village inspections to intimidate local leaders and impose Japanese language and culture all over the Korean countryside

Ever since Imperial Japan annexed Korea in 1910, subduing the countryside proved to be one of the most difficult tasks. The Imperial Japanese central government in Seoul struggled to exert control over traditional rural communities, which remained bastions of Korean language, culture, and identity. Imposing Japanese language, culture, and ideology on these far-flung regions was a daunting challenge.

Original Caption: Governor-General Koiso gets into a truck at Gapyeong Mine

By 1942, Governor-General Koiso Kuniaki (1942–1944) sought to accomplish what his predecessors had failed to do: win the “hearts and minds” of Korean villagers and persuade them to accept Japanese rule, abandon Korean culture, and adopt Japanese language and Shinto practices.

In the February 1943 inspection tour, Koiso asked the local myeon (township) chief in Gapyeong whether he had been conducting “rensei” (錬成, “training”). This was not mere vocational training. Rensei was a euphemism for ideological indoctrination: compulsory bowing toward the Imperial Palace every morning, mandatory visits to Shinto shrines, adoption of Japanese language, Shinto purification rituals like misogi, and other practices intended to transform Koreans into loyal imperial subjects. The myeon chief—often a local villager chosen for his charisma and leadership—was expected to shepherd his people into these unpopular and humiliating activities.

In the October 1943 inspection tour, Koiso makes a surprise visit to a random hamlet in a rural part of Southeastern Korea. He startles the Korean hamlet leader, named Mr. Toriyama, and peppers him for 40 minutes with questions about cotton production and food preservation. Koiso encourages to report to the myeon leader, county leader, provincial leader, or even to him personally if there is "anything troubling". Mr. Toriyama is described as being overcome with emotion as he struggles to find words.

The surprise nature of these visits conveys the following ominous message to the Korean people: We are watching you, and you better be at your best behavior, because you won't know when we will be paying you a visit.

The format of these inspection tours will feel familiar to anyone who follows North Korea today: the “Great Leader” style of visiting factories, farms, and villages, giving advice, and presenting himself as the wise teacher and commander. In the 1943 article, Koiso is portrayed arriving in remote villages, inspecting workplaces, lecturing officials and workers on everything from farming to mining, and dispensing “guidance” in a paternalistic tone.

The key concept repeated in these articles and throughout the news coverage in this period is 末端行政 (mattan gyōsei), meaning “grassroots administration.” By 1943, the colonial regime recognized that real control had to be enforced at the lowest levels—hamlets and townships. So, they began reinforcing staffing at this level and making more inspection tours to make its presence felt more palpably in everyday life. For rural Koreans, this must have felt like the government was constantly breathing down their necks, pressuring them to abandon their culture and conform to Imperial rule.

TLDR: Imperial Japan conducted surprise "Great Leader" inspections all over Korea to keep Koreans on their tiptoes in a state of fear, even at the grassroot level. Governor-General Koiso fashioned himself as a hands-on, fatherly strongman who gave “guidance” on everything from farming to mining.

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) February 26, 1943

“Harmony between the township and the police”
Governor-General preaches local administration in Oeseo-myeon

The Governor-General rode a truck into the mountains for an inspection. This was no idle outing. Wherever war-related material is being produced, he ventures even into the remote mountains to comfort and encourage the industrial warriors, determined to contribute even a little to strengthening the war effort. We must recognize both Governor-General Koiso’s firm resolve and the gravity of the war situation that brought it about. Fierce battles are being waged here too.

This was the Governor-General’s frontline command, his angry determination to annihilate the U.S. and Britain exploding as he ventured into the first line of defense of the home front. On his shabby work desk, the medal ribbons that tell of many military achievements shone brightly. On February 25th, Governor-General Koiso, accompanied by Governor Seto of Gyeonggi Province and Secretary Kobayashi, left his official residence at 9:30 a.m. and headed for Asano Cement’s asbestos mine in Gapyeong-gun, Seorak-myeon.

Before the Cheongpyeong Dam of the former Han River Hydropower was built, the river could not be crossed, so remote was this mountainous region that even the county governor had never once set foot there.

At 11:00 a.m. the Governor-General arrived at the Seorak-myeon office. He was welcomed by the governor of Hansan-gun and Police Chief Mr. Kuwana, entered the office, received a report on local conditions, and gave instructions to township (myeon) staff.

He asked in a friendly tone, “Well now, myeon leader, are you conducting training?” The Governor-General explained the essence of training in plain language: “For agricultural production, the landlords must work diligently. Since the myeon is the grassroots of administration that directly touches the masses, you must work thoroughly. To do that, you must put yourself in the place of those you govern and carefully look after them.”

After 11:00 a.m. he changed vehicles and boarded a truck. Sitting heavily beside the driver, he stared intently ahead. What was he thinking? Perhaps in his heart he was saying: “Warriors who sacrificed themselves at Kwajalein and Roi-Namur, rest in peace. The home front, burning with anger for vengeance, is rising.”

At 12:30 p.m. he arrived at the Gapyeong Mine office. He immediately heard a summary of the mine from Director Shōji of Asano Cement, then a detailed explanation of the current situation from Director Taniguchi. As usual, he asked questions about management and labor administration. He entered the mine tunnel, addressed the workers: “Men, do your best!” and encouraged them. Afterwards, he inspected workers’ housing and cautioned management to “study labor issues more thoroughly.”

Once again he descended the mountain by truck. At 3:50 p.m. he arrived at Cheongpyeong Power Plant, listened to explanations, and at 4:30 p.m. inspected the Government Fish Hatchery at Cheongpyeong. At 5:00 p.m. he entered the Oeseo-myeon (외서면, 外西面) office, received a report on local conditions, and gave instructions to township (myeon) staff and police officers.

A major defect of administration in Korea is that grassroots governance has not fully penetrated. No matter how hard Koiso strives, no matter how much the governor studies, it is useless unless the township (myeon) officials, who directly contact the people, do their work properly. The township and the police must cooperate in harmony.

Thus ended the third day of encouragement and inspection. He returned to the residence at 7:30 p.m.

Photo: Governor-General Koiso gets into a truck at Gapyeong Mine

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) October 29, 1943

“Tell Me Anything”: A Paternal Concern for Grassroots Administration
Governor-General Koiso’s Lightning Inspection of a Rural Village

Reported by Special Correspondent Sakamoto from Masan

Not long after leaving Samcheonpo, Governor-General Koiso’s car once again came to a stop. Because the schedule for this inspection tour was deliberately kept secret, the car often halted at unexpected places. This time it was at Yeha (예하, 禮下), a model hamlet in Jeonchon Township, Jinyang County (진양, 晉陽). Guided by County Governor Takashima and Hamlet Federation Chairman Toriyama, the Governor-General entered the hamlet office. He then listened for about forty minutes as Chairman Toriyama explained the hardships and efforts behind the hamlet’s construction and management.

As befitting a model hamlet, facilities such as a communal bathhouse and a daycare center were in place. Standing with Chairman Toriyama on a rice-paddy path, Governor-General Koiso remarked:

“The cotton seems to be growing very well, but are you not planting too much of it? It is not that cotton is unnecessary, but right now food is more important. Even if cotton must be reduced, food must be secured. How many bolls does one stalk bear?”

He engaged Chairman Toriyama in a detailed, technically informed conversation. Then he shifted the subject to ask closely about the state of material distribution.

“Is there anything troubling you? Feel free to tell me even when the Governor or the Chief of Police are present. If you have any requests, speak directly to me,”

he said with heartfelt sincerity. Deeply moved, Toriyama’s face flushed, and he struggled to find words.

The Governor-General continued:

“From now on, I want you to be the central figure in your hamlet and build it into the finest model hamlet in all of Korea. If there is something you cannot handle alone, consult with your township (myeon) leader. If the myeon leader cannot manage it, then go to the county governor or even the provincial governor. And if even then there is some matter unresolved, do not hesitate—consult with me directly.”

To Governor-General Koiso, who ceaselessly strove for administrative penetration to the very grassroots, the heartfelt zeal of an obscure Hamlet Federation Chairman for village management must have been truly gratifying. Chairman Toriyama was overcome with emotion.

The Governor-General pressed further:

“Do you grow potatoes?”
“Yes, we do.”
“And how do you store them?”
“We build a rack in our home’s ondol (heated floor system) and pile them there.”
“That risks rotting, does it not? Is there not a way to store them in greater quantity and for longer periods?”
“We have a communal storage facility just ahead.”
“I see. Then let me have a look.”

With a gentle gaze meeting the moist eyes of the moved Chairman Toriyama, the Governor-General returned to his car. His conviction remained firm: the farmers were dependable, the farmers were the soundest element of society. In this place too, that conviction was scarcely betrayed. Thinking constantly of food production increases and never allowing himself a moment’s rest, Governor-General Koiso’s car once again sped forward at arrow-like speed.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年2月26日

”面と警察が仲よく”

総督、外西面で末端行政を説く

総督がトラックに乗って山を視察した。これは一片の茶飲み話ではない。戦力物資の生産が行われるところ、どのような山奥にでも出かけて行って、産業戦士を慰問激励少しでも戦力の増強に資しようという小磯総督の固い決意と、総督にこのような決意を起させた戦局の重大性を認識せねばならない。激戦は此処にも展開されているのだ。

銃後の第一線に米英撃滅の怒りを爆発させに出かける総督の陣頭指揮だ。数々の勲功を語る略綬がみすぼらしい運営台に燦と輝いている。二十五日、小磯総督は瀬戸京畿道知事、小林秘書官を帯同して午前九時三十分官邸発、加平郡雪岳面の浅野セメント加平石綿鉱山に向った。

旧漢江水電の清平ダムが出来るまでは河を渡れなかったので、この地方には郡守にも遂に一度も足を踏み入れずに過ごした者があったほどの山奥である。

十一時雪岳面事務所着。韓山郡守と桑名警察署長の出迎えを受けて事務所に入り、管内情況の報告を受け面吏員に訓示を行った。

『どうかな面長さん、錬成やっとるかい』といった。ざっくばらんな調子である。総督は錬成の本質を説き、『農業生産には地主さんというものがよく働いてもらわねばならぬ。面は大衆に接する行政の末端であるから、しっかりやってもらいたい。それには治められる者の身になってよく人々の世話をすることだ』と易々しく説明する。

十一時過ぎ車を替えてトラックに乗る。総督は運転手の横にドッカと坐って前方を睨む。何を見つめているのだろう。恐らく心ではこう云っていたであろう。

『クエゼリン、ルオットに散華せる勇士よ、安らかに眠れ。復仇の怒りに燃える銃後は立ち上がっているぞ』

十二時三十分、加平鉱山事務所着、直ちに浅野セメント荘司理事から山の概略を聞き、更に谷口所長から現況について詳細な説明を聴取した。そのあとで例によって経営、労務管理に対する質問を発する。坑道に入る。労務者に訓示。『諸君しっかりやって下さい』と激励する。そして後に労務者の住宅を見て山を辞したが、『労務者の問題をもっと研究するように』と注意を与える。

再びトラックで山を降って、三時五十分清平発電所着、説明を聞き、四時三十分清平の総督府養魚場を視察。五時外西面事務所に入って管内情況を聴取し、面吏員、警察官を訓示する。

朝鮮に於ける統理の一大欠陥は末端行政が十分に滲透していないことだ。小磯が如何に努力しても、また知事がどんなに勉強しても何にもならないので、大衆に直接接触する面の方々がしっかりやってもらわねばならぬ。面と警察とが仲よくせねばならないのです。

こうして激励と視察の第三日は終わった。七時半帰邸。

【写真＝トラックに乗り込む小磯総督ー加平鉱山にて】

京城日報 1943年10月29日

何でも私に話せ：末端行政に細かい親心
小磯総督農村を電撃視察

【馬山にて坂本特派員】三千浦を出て間もなく小磯総督の自動車がまたとまった。何処を視るのか最初から予定を伏せている視察行だけに時ならぬ所でよく停まる。此処は晋陽郡井村面礼下模範部落だ。高島郡守、鳥山部落聯盟理事長の案内で部落の事務所に入った。鳥山理事長から部落の建設経営苦心談を約四十分に亘って聴取する。

模範部落だけあって共同浴場、託児所などの施設が整っている。田の畔道に小磯総督は鳥山理事長と並んで立った。

『綿花が非常によく出来ているようだが、作付段別が多過ぎはしないかね。綿が不必要というのではないが、それよりも現在は食糧の方がより大切だ。綿を減らしてでも食糧を確保しなければならない。これは一本に幾つ実をつけるかね』と専門的知識を傾けて鳥山理事長と綿々問答。今度は話題を変えて物資の配給状況をこまごまと訊ねる。そして、『何か困っていることはないかね。知事さんや警察部長さんがいても宜いから、希望があったら私に話しなさい』と真情こめて語れば鳥山理事長は感極まったが顔を火照りして言葉をつまらせる。

『今後とも部落の中心人物となって全鮮一の模範部落を作って貰いたい。自分で出来ないことがあったなら面長さんに相談しなさい。面長さんで駄目なら郡守さんでも知事さんでも宜しい。それでも判らない問題があったら遠慮はいらないから私に相談しなさい』と総督はいう。行政の末端滲透を希求して止まない小磯総督にとって名もない一部落聯盟理事長の部落経営に対する熱情はこよなく嬉しかったに違いない。鳥山理事長はただただ感激するばかり。総督は更に話をついで、

『芋は出来るかね』
『出来ます』
『貯蔵の方法は』
『自宅の温突に柵を作ってそこに載せています』
『そんなことでは腐る恐れがあるんじゃないかね。もっと沢山長期に貯蔵出来る方法はないかね』
『部落の共同貯蔵所がこの先にあります』

『そうかね、では見せて貰おう』と感激にうるむ鳥山理事長の眼差しを優しく見返しながら自動車の人となった。農民は宜しい。農民はもっとも健実だという総督の抱懐はここでも殆ど裏切られることがなかったのであろう。食糧増産を念じて心休まる暇とてない小磯総督を乗せて自動車はまたも矢のようなスピードで驀進する。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive 

February 1943 news article of British prisoners of war interviewed by their Imperial Army captors in Keijo (Seoul) POW camp

This is a news article from February 1943, published in Keijo Nippo newspaper, an organ of the Imperial Japanese colonial regime which ruled Korea from 1905 to 1945, featuring an interview with British Prisoners of War who were held captive in Seoul (then called Keijo in Japanese) during World War II. For this post, I co-partnered with Richard Baker, an independent researcher who is currently writing a book on the experiences of the POWs who were shipped to Korea for propaganda purposes. He also has a Master's by Research postgraduate thesis on Keijo camp which can be found at this link: https://kar.kent.ac.uk/72789/

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) February 15, 1943

The Day Singapore Fell

Listening to the British Prisoners of War

The Superior Attack of the Imperial Army

Deep Gratitude for their Fair Treatment

The Dawn of Greater East Asia. It has been a year since Singapore, the proud bastion of the British invasion of East Asia, fell on that significant day in history. On February 15, 1942, at 7 PM, our General Yamashita met with the enemy General Percival. With decisive words from General Yamashita demanding a "Yes or No" answer, Percival signed the unconditional surrender at 7:50 PM with his trembling hand. The fierce battle for Singapore, breaking through the jungle and trudging through the mud, ceased here. This day is celebrated as "The Fall of Singapore".

The interviewed British Prisoners of War:

• Commander of the 2nd Battalion, Loyal Regiment: Colonel Elrington (age 45)
• Company Commander of the same, Major Leighton (age 33)
• Adjutant of the 2nd Battalion, Captain Paque (age 36)
• Attached Warrant Officer of the 3rd Company: Moffat (age 39)
• Mortar Company Sergeant and Platoon Leader: Sergeant Strange (age 29)
• Platoon Leader of the 1st Company, 2nd Battalion, Loyal Regiment: Lance Corporal Ankers (age 31)

Q: When did you start preparing for defense on the Malay Peninsula? And how long did you think Singapore would hold out?

Colonel Elrington: My battalion was transferred from Shanghai to Singapore on April 6, 1938. We thought Singapore would hold out forever.

Q: Can a non-commissioned officer become a platoon leader in the British Army?

Sergeant Strange: Normally, it is an officer's position, but when my unit moved to Malaya, our platoon leader was injured, so I took over.

Q: Where were you captured during battle?

Captain Paque: We were not captured. We were told by Commander Percival to lay down our arms.

Q: Where were you at that time?

Captain Paque: I was in the Gilman Barracks in the Alexander area.

Q: How was the battle against the Japanese forces?

Colonel Elrington: On February 8th and 9th, the Japanese attacked from the northeast and northwest, but we didn't know where the attack would come from. There were no defense facilities on the west coast before the war. The Australian and Indian troops confronted the Japanese here, and after two days, we were pushed back to Bukit Timah. Our battalion was ordered to move from our barracks to Bukit Timah on the 10th, and we held our position near Bukit Timah until the night of the 12th. On the 12th, we saw Japanese troops breaking through the jungle and moving behind us. These Japanese troops were excellent soldiers.

On the 13th, we received orders to retreat to Buonavista, and that night we fell back to Alexander Road. At that time, the Japanese army was advancing rapidly along roads of Bukit Timah with tanks and infantry. On the 14th and 15th, our battalion defended the Gilman Barracks while being attacked by Japanese artillery and from the air. This battle was the closest we had fought.

We were astonished by the fierce attack of the Japanese. There were bayonet charges by Major Leighton (2nd Company) and Warrant Officer Moffat (attached to the 3rd Company) until the evening of the 14th, but against the Japanese charging with bayonets, our team could only counter with machine guns. No matter how much we shot, the Japanese soldiers kept coming like little demons. It felt like they were not human. In this fierce battle, only a few members of our 2nd and 3rd companies survived.

Our battalion's left wing had a Malay battalion. The Japanese broke through there and took control of the sea near the left wing. I had to order the next line of defense to be set up on Washington Hill as the battalion commander. This was between 2 and 3 PM on the 15th. At 8 PM, we received an order from General Percival for everyone to surrender. The next day, a Japanese officer came and praised the Loyal Regiment for its bravery.

Captain Paque: Our first encounter with the Japanese army was on January 14 in Segamat. We were bombed, but it was not a battle, we retreated. The Japanese Army we were facing at that time had beautifully broken through the rubber plantations and the jungle, coming around the sea to our rear.

Colonel Elrington: In the battle at Payong, between Muar and Yong Peng, seven Japanese tanks appeared, and the infantry advanced.

Major Leighton: The Japanese tanks broke through the normal barbed wire and anti-tank mine obstacles, but there was no engagement, and we retreated on that day.

Warrant Officer Moffat: We could never predict the actions of the Japanese army; they always came around from behind, forcing us to retreat. The Japanese Army was very good at mobile operations.

Colonel Elrington: We had lost 40% of our soldiers by the time we retreated to Singapore. We arrived in Singapore by truck on the 26th and were re-equipped as a reinforcement unit.

Warrant Officer Moffat: When crossing Johor, we had not yet seen the Japanese army.

Q: How did you feel when Singapore fell?

Colonel Elrington: I was surprised when I received the order to surrender. We did not anticipate this. We had fought with all our might, but there was no choice once the order was received.

Q: How did you feel when you heard that the Japanese army had landed in Singapore?

Colonel Elrington: I expected it at that time.

Captain Paque: We were prepared to fight until we were all killed, but there was no choice once the order was received.

Q: What do you think was the cause of the fall of Singapore?

Colonel Elrington: The facilities for defense against attacks from the north were not sufficient. Singapore was defended facing the southern sea. Also, the air force was very weak. The direct cause of the surrender was "to avoid civilian casualties and destruction of the city, as the Japanese army had taken control of the water supply," as General Percival said.

Lance Corporal Ankers: The Japanese army was numerically superior, and their air bombing was skilled; we were just defending our position.

Sergeant Strange: I was injured in the hand by a rifle bullet during the battle at the Gilman Barracks. I still have that bullet as a souvenir.

Colonel Elrington: The Japanese army was good at mobile operations like breaking through the jungle and attacking unexpectedly.

Q: So, are you saying that the Japanese Army's attack through the jungle and mud, striking from unexpected places, was ungentlemanly?

Colonel Elrington: No, no, that is not the case. In our army, the motto is "All is fair in love and war." The Japanese Army's attack was excellent.

Q: Colonel Elrington, what was the last order that you gave to your subordinates?

Colonel Elrington: I ordered each company to pile up their weapons and wait for orders from the Japanese Army, and I gave the following message to everyone: "I am pleased that you have fought very well. We surrender not because of your mistakes, but because of orders. Remember your comrades who showed duty and discipline in death and defeat. Do not disgrace the honor of the Loyal Regiment even as prisoners of war." Currently, we do not harbor any hostility towards Japan as soldiers.

Warrant Officer Moffat: All of us are grateful for our fair treatment by the Japanese Army.

【Censored by the Korean Military】

[Background Notes]

Prisoners of War served two functions for the Japanese: they provided slave labor, and they were exploited for propaganda. Prime Minister Tojo decreed that POWs would be located across Japanese territories to establish confidence in a Japanese victory amongst the local populations and to eradicate any lingering sense of western superiority amongst the people. A group of about 1000 POWs were sent to Korea for this purpose. But prisoners could serve another propaganda purpose, by providing accounts of Japanese military successes. As soon as the prisoners arrived in Korea, they were interviewed by reporters who wanted to hear all about their defeat in Malaya.

The account of the Malayan campaign and the Fall of Singapore in the newspaper article is based on a substratum of truth overlaid with Japanese inventions. The prisoners they interviewed were members of the 2nd Battalion, Loyal Regiment, who had been stationed at Singapore since 1938. In the interview, their senior officer, Colonel ‘Bill’ Elrington rightly admits that the northern defences on Singapore island were inadequate, and that the Japanese were more mobile than the forces under the command of Percival. Most of the British and Dominion troops lacked training in jungle warfare and were constantly outflanked by the Japanese, who made rapid progress down the Malayan peninsula. He also states, correctly, that the Japanese were able to establish air superiority from the early days of the fighting, and this was a significant contributory factor in the Japanese victory. Elrington’s men fought bravely and were indeed congratulated by their opponents immediately after the capitulation. But they suffered heavy losses: the total of 40% given by Elrington is possibly an under-estimate. The bayonet charges mentioned in the article are fictitious, although the Japanese troops did use bayonets in the last days of fighting, when they killed approximately 200 patients and staff in Alexandra Military hospital.

The interviewees would never had said that they felt 'deep gratitude' towards their captors: this is a trope of Japanese POW propaganda, nor would they have articulated the overly effusive praises for the Japanese soldiers that are attributed to them. Nevertheless, the reported words of the prisoners offer a real sense of the speaker's personality: something of Captain Paque's pugnacious and combative attitude towards his captors is seen when he tells the interviewers that the Loyals did not surrender of their own volition, but were ordered to, and were ready to fight to the death. What the article misses is that the men they interviewed all believed that the defeat was the result of poor leadership from the Commander-in-chief, Lieutenant General Percival and his senior staff. Later, it would be accepted that both the British armed forces and the British government had been complacent and wrongly assumed that they would be technologically and militarily superior to any Japanese fighting forces that dared to attack Singapore.

The prisoners were held at Keijo, a show camp, where visits by the Red Cross were manipulated to suggest that Japan was treating its captives fairly. Consequently, conditions in the camp were as good as in any Japanese POW camp. But the prisoners were regularly beaten, and lived on the verge of starvation. They suffered from diseases caused by malnutrition, the unhygienic living conditions and inadequate protection from the cold. At the time of the interview, Colonel Elrington was suffering from acute bronchitis which he had developed during the harsh Korean winter; his lungs never recovered. In 1945, the camp no longer served a useful propaganda purpose and Elrington was informed that, like the prisoners in the other camps in Korea, he and his men would all be executed in the event of a Russian or American invasion. Only the Japanese surrender prevented this.

The following is an excerpt from the diary of a fellow POW, A. V. Toze, which was at the Imperial War Museum in London:

February 12th 1943

Stan [Strange] together with Colonel E.[Elrington] and others were hailed to press conference ‘Office’ at 2pm and were interviewed by a host of reporters about fighting in Malaya.

They wanted to know why so many surrendered, were disappointed to learn that there were no bayonet fights, couldn’t understand ‘all’s fair in love and war’, the answer given to question ‘Did we consider the Japanese soldiers’ methods honourable?’

Colonel Elrington

Propaganda photo taken at camp cemetery, 1944. Captain Paque is standing far left of the picture, and Colonel Elrington is behind him, slightly to the right

More photos of Colonel Elrington and other fellow prisoners of war, including Captain Paque and Major Leighton

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年2月15日

シンガポール崩るるの日

在鮮英俘虜にきく

優秀な皇軍の攻撃

正遇に心から感謝

大東亜の黎明。英国が東亜侵略の牙城として世界に誇ったシンガポールが陥落して一周年。大いなる歴史の日。昭和十七年二月十五日午後七時、わが山下将軍と敵将パーシバルと会見。”イェス”か”ノー”か断乎たる山下将軍の一声にパーシバルが震える手で無条件降伏に署名したのが同五十分ジャングルを突破し泥濘を踏み越え凄絶極まるシンガポール攻略戦はここに停戦したのだ。この日”祝シンガポール陥落”。

語る英軍俘虜：

• ローヤル聯隊第二大隊長：中佐エリントン（四五）
• 同第二中隊長少佐：ライトン（三三）
• 同第二大隊副官大尉：ペイク（三六）
• 同第三中隊附属准尉：モファット（三九）
• 迫撃砲中隊小隊長軍曹：ストレンジ（二九）
• ローヤル聯隊第二大隊第一中隊分隊長兵長：アンカース（三一）

問：マレー半島の防備には何時から就いたか？またシンガポールは何時までもちこたえると思っていたのか？

エリントン中佐：自分の大隊は一九三八年四月六日上海からシンガポールに移駐したのである。シンガポールは永久に持ちこたえると思っていた。

問：英軍は下士官でも小隊長になれるのか？

ストレンジ軍曹：普通は将校であるが、自分の隊はマレーに進んだ時、小隊長が負傷したので自分が代ったわけだ。

問：何処の戦闘で俘虜になったか？

ペイク大尉：自分達は捕らえられたのではない。パーシバル司令官から武器を捨てるようにいわれたのだ。

問：その時は何処に居たか？

ペイク大尉：アレキサンダー地区のギルマン兵営にいた。

問：日本軍との戦闘経過はどうか？

エリントン中佐：二月八九日に日本軍が東北と西北の二方面から攻撃してきたのであるが、自分達は日本軍から何処から攻撃してくるか判らなかった。戦前西海岸には防御設備はなかったのであり、此処で日本軍に対抗したのは豪州兵と印度兵であり、二日後にはブキテマ高地まで押されてしまったのである。自分達の聯隊は二月十日ブラクからブキテマへ行くよう命令され、わが大隊は十二日夜中までプキテマ附近で防備し待ちこたえていた。十二日になってから日本の兵隊がジャングルを突破し、自分の隊の後方に廻ってくるのを見受けた。これらの日本の兵隊は優秀な兵隊であった。

十三日、ボナビスターまで退却するように命令を受け、その夜アレキサンダーの街道へ後退した。この頃日本軍はブキテマ街道を戦車と歩兵で猛進撃し来った。十四、五の両日わが大隊は日本軍の砲兵と空中から攻撃を受けながらギルマン兵営を防御したのであるが、この戦闘が最も近接して戦ったものであった。

日本軍の猛烈なる攻撃には全く驚嘆した。白兵戦はライトン少佐（第二中隊）とモファット准尉（第三中隊附）とが十四日の夕方まで行ったのであるが、日本の兵隊は銃剣で突き込んでくるのに対し、わが隊は機関銃で対抗し、いくら撃っても日本の兵隊は小さな鬼のようにつぎからつぎと突き込んでくる。これには如何の精巧な機関銃でも駄目だった。日本の兵隊は人間ではないような気持ちがした。この激戦でわが第二、三中隊は僅か数名しか残さずやられてしまった。

自分達の大隊の左翼にマレー人の大隊が居た。これに日本軍が突入し左翼の海に近い方を日本軍が押さえたのである。仕方なく自分は大隊長として次の防備線はワシントン丘に新陣地を占めるよう命令した。これは十五日の午後二時から三時の間であった。夜八時パーシバル将軍から『全員降伏せよ』と命令がきた。翌日、日本軍の将校がきてローヤル聯隊は勇敢であったと讃えていた。

ペイク大尉：一月十四日、セーガーマットで日本軍と遭遇したのが最初であり、爆撃を受けたが戦闘ではなく退却した。この時対峙していた日本軍はゴム林とジャングルを見事に突破し海を通ってわが軍の後に廻ってきたのだ。

エリントン中佐：ムーアとホンベンの間に当るペーアンの戦闘には日本の戦車七台が現れ、歩兵が前進してきた。

ライトン少佐：普通の鉄条網と対戦車地雷で作った戦車障碍を日本の戦車が突破してきたが、交戦はなく、その日のうちに退却した。

モファット准尉：日本軍の行動は全く予想出来ず、後に廻ってくるので、いつも退却していた。日本軍は機動作戦が実に上手だ。

エリントン中佐：シンガポールに退却するまで四〇％の兵を失っていた。二十六日トラックでシンガポールに到着し補充隊として装備を整えていた。

モファット准尉：ジョホールを渡るときは日本軍の姿はまだ見えなかった。

問：シンガポール陥落の時の気持ちはどうだった？

エリントン中佐：降伏の命令を受けたときはビックリした。自分らはこんなことを予期してはいなかった。自分らは全力を尽くして戦ってきたが、命令を受けたから仕方がなかったのだ。

問：シンガポールに日本軍が上陸した報を聴いた時の気持ちは？

エリントン中佐：その時は予期していた。

ペイク大尉：自分達は全部殺されるまで戦う意志をもっていたが、命令を受けたから仕方がない。

問：シンガポール陥落の原因は何処にあると思うか？

エリントン中佐：北の方からの攻撃に対する設備は充分でなかった。シンガポールは南の海に面して防備していたのである。また空軍が非常に貧弱であった。降伏の直接の原因は”住民の死傷と街を壊さぬことことに日本軍が水道を占領していた”ことであり、これはパーシバル将軍の言でもある。

アンカース兵長：日本軍は数的にも優勢であり、空中からの爆撃が上手で自分等は陣地を守るだけだった。

ストレンジ軍曹：自分はギルマン兵営で戦闘中小銃弾が手先に当り負傷した。その時の記念に今でもその弾をもっている。

エリントン中佐：日本軍はジャングル突破などの機動作戦が上手で意表外な所から攻撃してくる。

問：では日本軍はジャングルを突き泥濘を冒し意外な所から攻撃するので非紳士的であるというのか？

エリントン中佐：いやいや、そうではない。自分らの軍隊では”戦争と恋愛とに於いては何をしても正しい”という標語である。日本軍攻撃は優秀である。

問：エリントン隊長が最後に部下に与えた訓示はどんなものか？

エリントン中佐：各中隊毎に武器を積み上げ日本軍の命令を待てと命令し、つぎのメッセージを全員に告げた：「自分は諸君が非常によく戦ったことを喜ぶ。諸君自身のあやまちではなく命令を受けたので降伏する。戦死に当り敗北に際しても義務と規律を示した諸君の戦友を記憶せよ。俘虜となってもローヤル聯隊の名誉を辱めるな」というのである。現在自分達は軍人として日本に対して敵意を持っていない。

モファット准尉：我々一同は日本軍の正遇に感謝している。

【朝鮮軍検閲済み】

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-02-15/mode/1up

“Even Dreams Must Be in Japanese”: Imperial Japan’s Chilling 1943 Wartime Propaganda for Korean Assimilation

These propaganda cartoons, serialized in 1943 during the height of Imperial Japan’s war mobilization, were aimed at the Korean audience. Through cheerful imagery, they depict militarization, economic exploitation, and cultural erasure as progress and enlightenment. 

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 22, 1943

 

Translated below:

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 29, 1943

Translated below:

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, December 2, 1943

Translated below:

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 22, 1943

Frame 1 (マ・MA): 真面目な生活、和やかな愛国班
Earnest living, harmonious Patriotic Group

Korean “patriotic groups” (愛国班) were grassroots neighborhood cells comprising a few households which facilitated wartime mobilization, resource control, and ideological indoctrination. The cells also imposed surveillance and compliance, fostering an environment of coercion and control. The Japanese flags on every house signal loyalty to the Empire, demanding unity and ideological purity from all families — including colonized Koreans.

Frame 2 (ミ・MI): 南に北に真心の慰問袋
Sincere care packages sent to the north and to the south

Anthropomorphized care packages march with cheerful faces. These care packages were prepared by schoolchildren and "patriotic women" who included things like books, picture scrolls, sweets, photos, newspaper clippings, poetry, dolls, senninbari cloths, etc.

Frame 3 (ム・MU): 無駄をなくした良いお嫁
A good bride who got rid of waste

A humbly dressed Korean woman, newly married, embodies self-sacrifice. Her patched monpe pants and travel pack reinforce the romanticized thrift and simplicity expected from colonized women in service of the war.

Frame 4 (メ・ME): 目よりも大事な孫も志願兵
Even more precious than one's eyes, the grandson becomes a volunteer soldier

The old Korean grandfather's pride as he sends his grandson off to war exposes the enforced loyalty expected from colonial families. 

Frame 5 (モ・MO): 『もしもし』電話も正しい国語
Even when saying “Hello?” over the phone, proper Japanese must be spoken

A Korean woman is shown speaking Japanese on the phone. Language suppression was central to Japan's colonial rule — Korean was suppressed in schools and public life, and cartoons like this normalized linguistic erasure.

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 29, 1943

Frame 1 (ヤ・YA): 破れかぶれ、アメリカの負け戦
Desperate and reckless — America’s losing war

Roosevelt, depicted cartoonishly, watches his planes crash. This blatant propaganda mocks the Allies while reinforcing Imperial Japan's self-perception of invincibility — a view they expected Koreans to adopt.

Frame 2 (イ・I): 石にかじりついても勝ち抜くぞ！（負けるもんかっ！）
We are determined to win even if we have to bite into rocks! (We will not lose!)

A crazed man bites a rock — symbolizing blind perseverance. 

Frame 3 (ユ・YU): 夢の中でも国語でお話（先生、セーンセイ、ムニャムニャ）
Speaking Japanese even in your dreams. (Teacher... teeaaacher... mumble mumble)

A Korean child, dreaming in Japanese, reveals the extent of desired assimilation. The subconscious itself was not allowed to remain Korean.

Frame 4 (エ・E): 枝や切り株は松炭油に
Branches and stumps become pine charcoal oil

Farmers were expected to scavenge wood for fuel production, supporting the war economy. Total war mobilization extended even into rural Korean life.

Frame 5 (ヨ・YO): 夜なべに叺や草鞋つくり
Making straw bags and sandals late into the night

A Korean couple toils under a light bulb, producing straw bags or straw sandals using traditional techniques. The straw bags were known 'gamani' (가마니) in Korean or 'kamasu' in Japanese. They were traditionally made in the winter, and used to transport everything including manure, coal, salt, and grain. First, the straw is weaved into rope, and then the rope is used to weave the fabric that forms the bag.

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, December 2, 1943

Frame 1 (ワ・WA): 忘れるな！十二月八日の感激！（やったぞ！やったー！大本営万歳！十二月八日！）
Never forget the excitement of December 8th! (We did it! Hurrah! Long live Imperial HQ! December 8th!)

December 8, 1941 was the day of the Pearl Harbor attack. The cartoon rewrites history to portray it as a triumphant moment that all subjects — including Koreans — should cherish.

Frame 2 (ヰ・WI): 遺族や出征家族に銃後の真心（誉れの家、援護）
True spirit on the home front for bereaved and deployed families (House of honor, support)

A giant hand labeled "Support" protects a house labeled "House of Honor." Families were coerced into viewing military sacrifice not as tragedy, but as privilege.

Frame 3 (ウ・U): 嬉しいこと、国語で書けたこの手紙
What a happy occasion! I was able to write this letter in Japanese

A smiling and singing Korean woman celebrates being able to write in Japanese. This idealized scene masks the violent suppression of Korean literacy and identity.

Frame 4 (ヱ・WE): 笑顔で売り買い、明るい生活
Buying and selling with a smile — a cheerful life

Two Koreans smile to each other as goods are exchanged. The colonial regime conducted "kindness" campaigns to induce shopkeepers to improve their manners by smiling more often and speaking Japanese.

Frame 5 (ヲ・WO): おじさんは陸軍へ、兄さんは海軍へ
My uncle went to the Army, and my big brother to the Navy

A young girl waves the Japanese and Rising Sun flags. Indoctrination begins in childhood — glorifying militarism and the enlistment of Korean men into Imperial Japan's war machine.

These cartoons reveal how deep Imperial Japan’s psychological manipulation ran — coercing Koreans into erasing their identity, language, and even familial bonds for the sake of a foreign Empire. Every frame promotes joy in submission, glorifying assimilation and military servitude. This propaganda targeted even Korean children’s dreams — literally.

These AIUEO March cartoon strips were part of a larger Japanese-language four-page supplement published in Maeil Sinbo (매일신보 / 每日申報), the last remaining Korean-language newspaper during the Imperial Japanese colonial period. By 1940, all other Korean-language publications had been shut down, and Maeil Sinbo, under strict Japanese control as a tool for Imperial propaganda, became the last operational Korean-language newspaper in Korea.

This supplement was written in basic Japanese, primarily using Hiragana and Katakana, to make it accessible to Koreans with limited Japanese literacy. But it was not just a language learning aid - it also doubled as a war propaganda medium. 

Each AIUEO cartoon strip is organized around a five-character sequence of the Japanese kana syllabary, such as ka-ki-ku-ke-ko (カキクケコ) or sa-shi-su-se-so (サシスセソ), and is divided into five panels. Each panel begins with a different kana character from that set, illustrating an ideal picture of life in Korea that was promoted as a part of Imperial Japanese propaganda.  The panels may have been meant to be cut out and used as iroha karuta playing cards for entertainment.

These particular cartoon strips, published on November 22th, November 29th, and December 2, 1943, were organized around the ma-mi-mu-me-mo (マミムメモ), ya-yu-yo (ヤユヨ), and wa-wo-n (ワヲン) kana groups, respectively. However, the last two kana groups were modified in the cartoon strips to become ya-i-yu-e-yo (ヤイユエヨ) and wa-wi-u-we-wo (ワヰウヱヲ). The last modified Kana group has the now-obsolete kana letters ヰ and ヱ, which used to be respectively pronounced as wi and we in ancient Japanese, but now respectively pronounced as i and e in modern Japanese.

I carefully browsed the October, November, and December 1943 collections of Maeil Sinbo in the Digital Newspaper Archives of the National Library of Korea, and I have now posted all the AIUEO cartoon strips for every kana group except for two: a-i-u-e-o (アイウエオ) and ra-ri-ru-re-ro (ラリルレロ). I'm not sure if they were never published, got lost when the newspaper archive was established, or I simply missed them as I pored through the newspaper pages. 

For your convenience, the links to all the previously posted AIUEO March cartoon strips are listed below:

• KA-group: https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/04/imperial-japanese-cartoon-from-1943.html
• SA-, TA-, NA-groups: https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/04/propaganda-cartoons-from-1943-depict.html
• HA-group: https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/02/imperial-japanese-cartoon-from-1943.html

Propaganda cartoons from 1943 depict cheerful Koreans enjoying Imperial Japanese rule as they are sternly warned about eavesdropping Western spies

These propaganda cartoons, serialized in 1943 during the height of Imperial Japan’s war mobilization, were aimed at the Korean audience. Through cheerful imagery, they depict militarization, economic exploitation, and cultural erasure as progress and enlightenment. 

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 8, 1943

Translated below:

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 11, 1943

Translated below:

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 15, 1943

Translated below:

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 8, 1943

Frame 1 (サ・SA): 酒屋が逃げ出す良い部落
A good village where even the liquor seller flees

A Korean village labeled “No Alcohol Village” (酒無部落). A flustered alcohol merchant with bottles on his back is leaving. In the 1930's and 1940's, Imperial Japanese police routinely cracked down on illicit distilleries producing illegal liquor throughout Korea, which was an ongoing theme in news articles of that time.

Frame 2 (シ・SHI): 支那の子供もアイウエオ
Even Chinese children learn A-I-U-E-O

A Chinese boy sits obediently reading Japanese syllabary. Emphasizes that language assimilation extends beyond Korea—Japan seeks linguistic domination across its empire.

Frame 3 (ス・SU): 少ない配給も仲良く分け合う
Even with little rations, they share harmoniously

Two Korean women and a man peacefully divide meager rations. Promotes wartime sacrifice and obedience, glossing over forced food requisitioning in colonized Korea.

Frame 4 (セ・SE): 先生を驚かす国語の上達
Shocking the teacher with her Japanese fluency

A Korean student impresses a Japanese teacher. Language mastery is framed as a measure of loyalty and progress.

Frame 5 (ソ・SO): 空を轟く愛国飛行機
Patriotic planes roar through the sky

Korean villagers wave hinomaru flags as Japanese warplanes fly overhead. Celebrating the Empire’s military while expecting Koreans to cheer for their colonizer.

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 11, 1943

Frame 1 (タ・TA): 旅の支度は先ずモンペ、巻脚絆
Prepare for your journey with monpe pants and kyahan leg wraps

Korean civilians don Japanese-style wartime clothing. Prepares Koreans physically and symbolically for service.

Frame 2 (チ・CHI): 塵も積もれば山となる楽しい貯金（知らない間に500円）
Savings grow like a mountain from tiny grains of dust (Without noticing—500 yen!)

Koreans smiling at war bond savings. Encourages Koreans to fund their own colonizer’s war machine.

Frame 3 (ツ・TSU): 積もる話も国語で志願兵の家
Talk a lot in Japanese to a family of a future volunteer soldier

A Korean family listens to a recruiter advocating enlistment in the Imperial Army, glorified as an honor.

Frame 4 (テ・TE): 天に轟く万歳、勇ましい大戦果（敵機百機落した！）
Roaring 'BANZAI!' to the sky—what a great victory! (100 enemy planes shot down!)

A Korean shouts “Banzai!” in celebration of a Japanese military victory. Koreans are shown embracing Imperial war ideology.

Frame 5 (ト・TO): 隣のおばあさんも国語の一年生（一緒に講習会にいきましょう！）
Even grandma next door is a first-year Japanese student (Let’s attend classes together!)

Elderly Korean women attending Japanese classes. This frames Japanese language adoption as not just for the young, but a duty for all.

Maeil Sinbo Newspaper, November 15, 1943

Frame 1 (ナ・NA): 何でも話せる国語の優等生（慰問袋を贈りましたか？）
A top student in Japanese can talk about anything (Have you sent a care package yet?)

A Korean woman encourages another to send gifts to soldiers. Language fluency is tied to ideological participation.

Frame 2 (ニ・NI): 日本の兵の母です、私らも
We too are mothers of Japanese soldiers

A Korean mother proudly showcases her son in Imperial Army uniform. Erases Korean identity—her son is now “Japanese.”

Frame 3 (ヌ・NU): 盗人より悪い闇取引（驚いた！）
Black market dealings are worse than theft (Shocking!)

A robber looks on in disbelief at Korean civilians doing black market trade. The cartoon equates economic survival tactics with treason.

Frame 4 (ネ・NE): 根もない噂に喜ぶスパイ（あのね、日本が．．．ほう、そうかね、なるほど）
A spy delights in groundless rumors (So, Japan is… Oh really? I see.)

A sinister-looking Western spy with a black eye mask eavesdrops on Koreans spreading rumors. Portrays gossip as aiding the enemy, urging Koreans to police each other.

Frame 5 (ノ・NO): のぼる日の丸、世界は明ける
The rising sun climbs—the world brightens

The Japanese flag rising from Earth into space. The cartoon ends with a delusional vision of Imperial Japan as the world’s liberator and ruler. A pictorial representation of Hakkō Ichiu ideology.

These cartoons are a disturbing example of cultural erasure masked as cheerful wartime propaganda. They depict Koreans eagerly abandoning their language, identity, and autonomy to become obedient subjects of Imperial Japan.  

These AIUEO March cartoon strips were part of a larger Japanese-language four-page supplement published in Maeil Sinbo (매일신보 / 每日申報), the last remaining Korean-language newspaper during the Imperial Japanese colonial period. By 1940, all other Korean-language publications had been shut down, and Maeil Sinbo, under strict Japanese control as a tool for Imperial propaganda, became the last operational Korean-language newspaper in Korea.

This supplement was written in basic Japanese, primarily using Hiragana and Katakana, to make it accessible to Koreans with limited Japanese literacy. But it was not just a language learning aid - it also doubled as a war propaganda medium. 

Each AIUEO cartoon strip is organized around a five-character sequence of the Japanese kana syllabary, such as ka-ki-ku-ke-ko (カキクケコ) or sa-shi-su-se-so (サシスセソ), and is divided into five panels. Each panel begins with a different kana character from that set, illustrating an ideal picture of life in Korea that was promoted as a part of Imperial Japanese propaganda.  The panels may have been meant to be cut out and used as iroha karuta playing cards for entertainment. These particular cartoon strips, published on the 8th, 11th, and 15th of November 1943, were organized around the sa-shi-su-se-so (サシスセソ), ta-chi-tsu-te-to (タチツテト), and na-ni-nu-ne-no (ナニヌネノ) kana groups, respectively. 

I carefully browsed the October, November, and December 1943 collections of Maeil Sinbo in the Digital Newspaper Archives of the National Library of Korea, and I was able to find the AIUEO cartoon strips for all the kana groups except for two: a-i-u-e-o (アイウエオ) and ra-ri-ru-re-ro (ラリルレロ). I'm not sure if they were never published, got lost when the newspaper archive was established, or I simply missed them as I pored through the newspaper pages, but I hope to eventually post all of the surviving AIEUO cartoon strips online. 

Imperial Japanese cartoon from 1943 depicts Korean boy teaching his grandma how to speak to her dog in Japanese

This propaganda cartoon, published in the Korean-language Maeil Sinbo Newspaper on November 1, 1943, depicts an idealized portrait of model Korean subjects happily learning Japanese under Imperial Japanese rule. A grandson is teaching his grandmother how to tell her dog 'Shiro' to come to her in Japanese. Two Korean women in chima dresses sit together reading a Japanese book. A Korean father is welcomed home by his wife and child in Japanese. A woman makes an air raid announcement over loudspeaker in Japanese. A Korean mother studies Japanese with dreams of her son becoming an Imperial soldier.

The translated text is below:

Frame 1: かわいい孫が国語の先生。
Translation: “My adorable grandson is my Japanese teacher.”
Description: A Korean grandson tells his grandmother, はい、もう一度 ("Ok, one more time") and A Korean grandmother, textbook in hand, practices elementary Japanese phrases including こい、こい、しろ、しろ、こい ("come, come, Shiro, Shiro, come"), learning to issue commands to her dog in Japanese. The grandmother receives instructions from her grandson who says, はい、もう一度 ("Ok, one more time"). The children are absorbing the colonizer’s language faster than the older generation, who now must catch up. Even Korean pets are expected to be spoken to in Japanese.

Frame 2: 聞いたり見たり話したり。
Translation: “Listening, watching, speaking.”
Description: Two Korean women in traditional chima dresses sit together happily reading a Japanese book.

Frame 3: 苦労が輝く国語の一家。
Translation: “Effort pays off in a family of the Japanese language.”
Description: This panel shows a domestic scene, saturated with Japanese politeness and language. A Korean family performs the idealized “Imperial subject” family life, down to scripted greetings. The father says ただいま ("I'm home"). Mother says あなた、おかえりなさい ("Welcome home, dear!"). The child says おとうさん、おかえり ("Dad, welcome home!"). 

Frame 4: 警戒警報ですと国語で告げる。
Translation: “The air-raid warning is announced in Japanese.”
Description: A woman shouts an alert through a loud horn, her words in Japanese. Even danger must be communicated in the colonizer’s tongue, even if most of her neighbors may not understand Japanese.

Frame 5: この苦労も兵隊の母になるため。
Translation: “All this effort is to become the mother of a soldier.”
Description: A Korean mother studies a Japanese textbook. In her mind’s eye, she imagines her son proudly serving in the Japanese military. Her sacrifice, framed as noble, feeds the war machine of a regime that is determined to erase her language, culture, and identity.

This AIUEO March cartoon strip was part of a larger Japanese-language four-page supplement published in the November 1, 1943 issue of Maeil Sinbo (매일신보 / 每日申報), the last remaining Korean-language newspaper during the Imperial Japanese colonial period. By 1940, all other Korean-language publications had been shut down, and Maeil Sinbo, under strict Japanese control as a tool for Imperial propaganda, became the last operational Korean-language newspaper in Korea.

This supplement was written in basic Japanese, primarily using Hiragana and Katakana, to make it accessible to Koreans with limited Japanese literacy. But it was not just a language learning aid - it also doubled as a war propaganda medium.

Each AIUEO cartoon strip is organized around a five-character sequence of the Japanese kana syllabary, such as ka-ki-ku-ke-ko (かきくけこ) or sa-shi-su-se-so (さしすせそ), and is divided into five panels. Each panel begins with a different kana character from that set, illustrating an ideal picture of life in Korea that was promoted as a part of Imperial Japanese propaganda. This particular cartoon strip published on November 1, 1943, is organized around the ka-ki-ku-ke-ko (かきくけこ) kana group.

I carefully browsed the October, November, and December 1943 collections of Maeil Sinbo in the Digital Newspaper Archives of the National Library of Korea, and I was able to find the AIUEO cartoon strips for all the kana groups except for two: a-i-u-e-o (あいうえお) and ra-ri-ru-re-ro (らりるれろ). I'm not sure if they were never published, got lost when the newspaper archive was established, or I simply missed them as I pored through the newspaper pages, but I hope to eventually post all of the surviving AIEUO cartoon strips online. 

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

Imperial Japanese cartoon from 1943 shows how Koreans were forced to bow to the Emperor every morning, speak Japanese, and accept poverty without complaints

This 1943 propaganda cartoon depicts an idealized portrait of life as model Korean subjects under Imperial Japanese rule. It shows a soldier reading a letter from his mother written in Japanese in Katakana, mother and child making their daily mandatory morning bow towards the Imperial palace, a "cheerful village that does not complain", two older Korean women speaking Japanese with joy, and a Korean mother sitting with her son reading a war propaganda story about a fighter pilot.

The translated text is as follows.

Frame 1: 母の手紙はカタカナばかり
Translation: "Mother's letter is written entirely in Katakana."
Context: The scene depicts a young soldier holding a letter and thinking of his mother. The fact that the letter is written only in Katakana suggests that his Korean mother is not fully literate in Japanese. 

Frame 2: 東に向かって朝の遥拝
Translation: "Morning worship facing east."
Context: This frame depicts Koreans performing 宮城遥拝 (Kyūjō Yōhai), the mandatory daily bowing towards the Imperial Palace in Tokyo. This ritual, imposed at 7 AM each morning with loud sirens, was meant to instill loyalty to the Japanese Emperor. It was part of the larger effort to erase Korean identity and enforce subjugation through cultural and religious indoctrination. 

Frame 3: 不平を言わない明るい部落 （平和里入口）
Translation: "A cheerful village that does not complain." (Peaceful Village Entrance)
Context: The “cheerful village” was often, in reality, a buraku—a shantytown where Koreans were often forced to live under poor conditions. By claiming that the village “does not complain,” the cartoon sends an overt message of compliance and submission, discouraging any dissatisfaction with their hardship. The name 平和里 (Peace Village) is deeply ironic, as these settlements were known for their substandard housing, lack of infrastructure, and poverty. The propaganda intent here is clear: to depict forced displacement as harmonious and orderly.

Frame 4: 下手でも国語で話す嬉しさ （あれあれ、あれがねえ～）
Translation: "The joy of speaking Japanese, even if spoken poorly." ("Well, well, that is…")
Context: This frame encourages Koreans to speak Japanese, reinforcing the Imperial policy of 国語常用 (Kokugo Jōyō), or mandatory use of the national language. Speaking Japanese was a requirement in schools, workplaces, and public life, with the use of Korean strongly discouraged or punished. The forced language shift was part of Japan’s broader assimilation campaign.

Frame 5: 本が読めて良いお母さん （荒鷲の勇ましいお話です）
Translation: "A good mother who can read books." ("This is a valiant story about an Arawashi fighter pilot")
Context: This frame glorifies military propaganda, depicting a mother sitting in front of her son and reading a story about 荒鷲 (Arawashi), or Wild Eagle, a reference to Imperial Japan’s fighter planes.  The scene emphasizes the idealized role of a “good mother” as someone who educates her children with militaristic narratives, preparing the next generation to be loyal to Imperial Japan. 

The アイウエオ行進曲 cartoon strip was part of a larger four-page supplement published in the November 18, 1943 issue of Maeil Sinbo (매일신보 / 每日申報), the last remaining Korean-language newspaper during the Imperial Japanese colonial period. By 1940, all other Korean-language publications had been shut down, and Maeil Sinbo, under strict Japanese control as a tool for Imperial propaganda, became the last operational Korean-language newspaper in Korea.

This supplement was written in basic Japanese, primarily using Hiragana and Katakana, to make it accessible to Koreans with limited Japanese literacy. But it was not just a language learning aid - it also doubled as a war propaganda medium.

One of the most telling features of this supplement was its vocabulary column, which defined common Japanese words for Korean readers. This particular edition introduced words that started with い in Japanese, such as ‘house’ (家) and ‘dog’ (犬), making it appear like a simple educational tool. However, the section entitled「復習、国語の近道」(Review: The Shortcut to the Japanese language) reveals the true intent behind the supplement.

At first glance, this section provides simple definitions of Japanese words in Korean, such as:

• 今月 (kongetsu) - This month
• 二十日 (hatsuka) - The 20th day

However, when these vocabulary words are strung together in context, they form a war propaganda sentence:

"卒業生もできるそうですね。今年職についてなるべく特別志願兵制。今月二十日迷ってる、間に合わない。"
("It seems that even graduates can do it. This year, as much as possible, join the special volunteer soldier system. If you hesitate past the 20th of this month, it will be too late.")

This sentence was a direct push for young Koreans to volunteer for the Imperial Japanese Army, reinforcing the recruitment drive for Korean soldiers under the 特別志願兵制度 (Special Volunteer Soldier System). This “voluntary” system was anything but voluntary—Koreans were heavily pressured, and by 1944, forced conscription was officially enacted.