The film that tried to make Koreans see Imperial Japan as their “Omoni” (Mother): Inside the 1945 propaganda movie “Love and Vows" (愛と誓ひ, 사랑과맹세)

This is my review and analysis of a deeply unsettling Imperial Japanese propaganda film, Love and Vows (愛と誓ひ), which was screened in late May 1945 with the aim of reaching as many Koreans as possible in the final months of the war. The film was part of a larger effort to emotionally manipulate Koreans into sacrificing their lives for the Empire as Japan prepared for an Allied invasion. To ensure the message was driven home even to those who might have missed the screening, the authorities serialized a novelized version of the film’s story in the Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) newspaper — I have transcribed and translated that version below. The entire film can still be viewed today, with Korean subtitles at the Korean Film Archive, or without subtitles on YouTube (where it has been uploaded by @날보라-l9u, a Korean vlogger who expresses misguided, revisionist views sympathetic to Imperial Japan). I have provided some links to key scenes in the YouTube video for reference as timestamps.

Shiraishi Keiko with her biological son Toyoo (left) and her adopted Korean son Kim Young-ryong (right).

In the final year of World War II, as Imperial Japan braced for an expected U.S. invasion of both the Japanese mainland and the Korean peninsula, it embarked on an all-out propaganda campaign to prepare the Korean population for what was intended to be a suicidal last stand. The authorities planned to mobilize nearly every able-bodied man, woman, and child into citizen militias under direct Imperial Army command to resist the Allies to the death. To convince the Korean people—many of whom were deeply resentful of decades of exploitation, abuse, and humiliation under colonial rule—to sacrifice their lives for Imperial Japan, the state turned to cinema as a powerful tool to appeal to emotion and instill the required mindset.

One of the centerpiece works of this effort was the propaganda film Love and Vows (愛と誓ひ), directed by renowned filmmakers Imai Tadashi (今井正) and Choi In-gyu (崔寅奎). This film was produced with the full backing of the Imperial Navy and the Governor-General’s Office. It ran for 1 hour and 14 minutes and featured an all-star cast including Takada Minoru (高田稔) as Editor-in-Chief Shiraishi, Takehisa Chieko (竹久千恵子) as Mrs. Shiraishi, Dok Eun-gi (독은기, 獨銀麒) as Lieutenant Murai, Kim Shin-jae (김신재, 金信哉) as Murai’s widow, and Shimura Takashi (志村喬) as Murai’s father.

Love and Vows was first shown at two invitational test screenings (試写会) at the Bumingwan Hall (府民館) in Seoul on May 23, 1945. Beginning on May 24, it was screened across theaters throughout Korea until June 1. Special group discounts were offered to neighborhood Patriotic Groups (愛国班) presumably so their leaders could explain the film’s propaganda message to the audience and, where necessary, translate the dialogue for those Koreans who did not understand Japanese.

The film’s narrative centers on Kim Young-ryong (김영룡), a Korean orphan raised by a Japanese foster family who becomes inspired to volunteer for the Imperial Navy after learning about a heroic Korean kamikaze pilot, Lieutenant Murai. In the early scenes of the film, Murai flies his Kamikaze plane into a U.S. aircraft carrier and make the news headlines (6:24). Murai is a thinly fictionalized version of the real-life Korean kamikaze pilot Matsui Hideo or In Jae-ung (인재웅, 印在雄) who died on November 29, 1944. The orphan visits Murai’s school, playground, and home, absorbing reverence for the deceased hero, and listens solemnly to Murai’s recorded final words on a vinyl record. The story is crafted to venerate Murai as a god-like figure, but also to present him as an accessible role model so ordinary Koreans could imagine themselves becoming suicide fighters for Imperial Japan. Indeed, Korean Kamikaze heroes dominate the pages of Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) newspaper in 1945, and reverential, hagiographical accounts of their humble lives are published in exquisite detail to exalt them as role models for the Korean people. This is highly evocative of the personality cult dynamics seen in later North Korean propaganda. 

Stories of Korean orphans raised by adoptive Japanese parents were a common allegorical device in Imperial Japan’s colonial propaganda. These narratives framed Japan’s rule over Korea as the benevolent adoption of a troubled and wayward child — with Japan portrayed as the patient, magnanimous parent who takes in and raises the orphan despite his misbehavior or attempts to run away. Such imagery served to justify the brutal suppression of the Korean independence movement, casting it as the necessary discipline of a child who did not yet understand what was good for him. In Love and Vows, this theme is central: Young-ryong, the orphaned Korean boy, tries to run away, but the kindly Shiraishi forgives him, takes him back, and ultimately wins his loyalty by touching his heart. Shiraishi also does not shy away from using corporal punishment to beat Young-ryong for cowardice (1:05:29), as a way to shape him into an honorable Imperial soldier.

The plot also includes a speech to young Korean students by Shiraishi proclaiming that anyone, through effort and loyalty, can become as great as Murai. The film also features a Japanese teacher teaching an eager Korean student the motto 七生報国 (“even if I am reborn seven times, I will dedicate myself to serving my country each time”), attributed to medieval Japanese hero Kusunoki Masashige, and a quote from the Taiheiki: “Because it is the nature of battle, you should not necessarily judge the entire war by the outcome of a single skirmish (合戦の習にて候へば、一旦の勝負をば必しも不可被御覧),” encouraging Koreans to persevere despite Japan’s mounting defeats (21:14). 

The serialized short story version of the film that appeared in Keijo Nippo (京城日報) differs from the surviving film print in key ways. In the novel, the orphan’s indiscretion is getting drunk on whiskey, while in the surviving film, the orphan's indiscretion is sabotaging the fuel of a bus carrying Korean recruits. The emotional scene where the orphan cries out Omoni (어머니, “Mother”) in anguish at not being punished like the biological son—highlighting the message that Imperial Japan is a mother figure to Koreans—is absent in the surviving film, possibly because that copy was an early screen test that was not used for general release. This copy survived only because it was archived at the Tokyo National Film Center and later transferred to the Korean Film Archive before being uploaded to YouTube by @날보라-l9u. 

The authorities spared no expensive in ensuring this film would move Korean audiences. They enlisted top directors and actors and devoted scarce resources to create the special effects depicting the exploding U.S. aircraft carrier, to create a high-quality production capable of persuading Koreans on an emotional level to die for Imperial Japan. The story was calculated to instill loyalty, glorify self-sacrifice, and portray discipline from colonial masters as an expression of parental love—framing the empire as a caring Omoni for its Korean subjects. Coincidentally, North Korea similarly educates its citizens to call its Party their Omoni, promoting the song "당이여 나의 어머니시여 (The Party is My Mother)".

The film ends with Young-ryong holding hands with Shiraishi Keiko and Murai's widow Yeong-ja in a striking pose symbolizing Japanese-Korean unity (1:12:14), followed by a printed message, “Even today, divine falcons are sinking enemy ships to the bottom of the Pacific Ocean. Who will follow them and defeat the enemy? You will! You are going to do it! (神鷲は今日も敵を太平洋の底に沈めつつある。これに続いて敵を破るもの、それは君達だ。君達がやるのだ)” (1:13:56)

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) May 23, 1945
Long-Awaited Film “Love and Vows”
Preview Today at the Bumingwan Hall

Under the guidance of the Imperial Headquarters Navy Press Department and with the support of the Ministry of the Imperial Navy, the Korea Film Company began filming the naval motion picture Love and Vows on March 15. The production has now been completed. On the 23rd, two invitational preview screenings will be held at the Bumingwan Hall, one during the day and one at night.

This film depicts the spirit of the Korean Navy Volunteer Soldier System and dramatically portrays the true spirit of the Special Attack Units through an engaging story. It brims with warm humanity as unfortunate people help one another, aiming to revive the love that is apt to wither during wartime.

In summary: Kim Young-ryong (김영룡, 金英龍), a Korean orphan who lost his parents and siblings at a young age, was taken in by Editor-in-Chief Shiraishi of the Keijo Shimpo Newspaper out of compassion. While working as an office boy at the newspaper, he led a warm, peaceful life. Assigned to gather material for an article, he visited the home of Lieutenant Murai, a member of the Special Attack Forces. Together with Murai’s widow, Yeong-ja (영자, 英子), he walked to various places such as the classroom where Murai had studied (36:03), and the simple fields and riverbanks where Murai played as a boy. Upon returning, lost in quiet reflection, they found that a phonograph record had arrived, containing a recording of Murai’s voice on the night before his sortie (40:16).

“Now the time has come. Just as you instructed, I will go with a smile,” rang out Murai’s bright voice (41:42). Overwhelmed by a solemn feeling, Young-ryong was frozen in place. Supported by the special affection shown by the widow Yeong-ja, Young-ryong spent a few days in a dreamlike state. Profoundly impressed, he returned home and wrote an excellent article, and with firm resolve Young-ryong followed in Murai’s footsteps by volunteering for the Navy. [Photo: A scene from Love and Vows]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) May 25-27, 1945
The Story of the Film “Love and Vows”

Love and Vows was completed recently and released to the public on the 24th. The film portrays the determination of Korean youth to serve at sea in response to the Naval Special Volunteer Soldier System.

Mr. Shiraishi (right) meeting Lieutenant Murai on the rooftop of the offices of Keijo Nippo Newspaper.

(1)

“The sky over Korea is as beautiful as ever, is it not?”

“Yes. But this beautiful sky connects to the great skies of the battlefield where you will go.”

Shiraishi Goro, Editor-in-Chief of the Keijo Shimpo Newspaper, said this with deep emotion as he gazed up at the clear sky after taking a rooftop photograph of Lieutenant Murai, the only son of his former mentor, who was leaving for the front. Suddenly noticing a boy peeking out from behind a wall, he exclaimed sharply, “Is that you, Young-ryong? Where have you been wandering?” and strode over (4:26).

This boy was Kim Young-ryong, an orphan whom Shiraishi had picked up from the backstreets of Jongno four years earlier and taken into his home. Young-ryong now worked as an office boy at the newspaper while attending night school, but his vagrant habits remained, and after a minor mistake a few days earlier, he had run away from home.

Hearing the circumstances, Lieutenant Murai said, “That will not do. You must not cause such worry. It is now your turn to be strong,” and clapped Young-ryong on the shoulder. He then asked Shiraishi, “How about taking one more photo of us together, for both our sakes?”

Shiraishi, sensing the Lieutenant’s firm resolve in his words, “That will not do ... it is now your turn to be strong,” raised his camera once more to capture the pair standing side by side (5:41).

Soon after, news was announced of the glorious deed of the Kamikaze Special Attack Unit, and among the names was Murai Shinichiro—Lieutenant Murai (7:29).

(2)

“Do you know the name of the boy standing next to my late husband?”

Yeong-ja is holding her son, to her left is the nanny, and Shiraishi Keiko is sitting

When Shiraishi's wife visited Murai’s widow, Yeong-ja, bringing the photograph of Lieutenant Murai taken at the newspaper office, she whispered this. Yeong-ja, who lost her parents during the Shanghai Incident and was separated from her five-year-old brother Kim Young-joo (김영주, 金英柱) when she was repatriated to Korea, felt the boy’s face somehow resembled that of her lost brother (19:36).

“This boy is an orphan we took in. His name is Kim Young-ryong.”

Mrs. Shiraishi replied sympathetically and promised to have her husband arrange for Young-ryong to visit.

Meanwhile, at Murai’s former school, Shiraishi addressed the students: “When you hear of divine falcons (kamikaze pilots), you may think of them as men born great, beyond your reach. But that is not so. If you become fine soldiers, you too can become divine falcons. Study well every day and strive to become fine soldiers.” Thus, Shiraishi appealed to their young hearts with words that were easy to understand, encouraging them to follow in Murai's footsteps (25:18).

That night, returning late from Murai’s home, Shiraishi's wife Keiko found their son Toyoo and Young-ryong in an uproar, having drunk whiskey mistaking it for wine.

“Why would you do such a thing while your mother was away?”

Mrs. Shiraishi, who arrived home earlier than her husband, scolded Toyoo harshly but did not scold Young-ryong. Expecting to be rebuked, Young-ryong felt all the more lonely for the lack of scolding, and, unable to bear the solitude of his longing for affection, retreated to his room. There, he quietly wept, calling out for his “mother.”

Later, when Mr. Shiraishi heard the story from his wife Keiko and peeked into Young-ryong’s room, he noticed the word “어머니” (Mother) scratched into the wall. He chided his wife, “Why did you not scold Young-ryong too? Look at this. He wanted to be scolded as well.”

Omoni is written in Hangul in the middle of the Japanese text.

(3)

“This is an excellent report of your visit. It is filled with sincerity.”

Yeong-ja proudly looks on at Young-ryong who is about to be deployed as an Imperial soldier.

Mr. Shiraishi praised Young-ryong’s account of his visit to the Murai home and promised to make him a trainee reporter. But unexpectedly, Young-ryong did not rejoice. Instead, he said he wanted to become a Navy man, not a reporter trainee, and asked to enter the Special Volunteer Soldier Training School (1:10:39).

A major reason for this change of heart was the sight of the Korean recruit, unable to board a bus due to a traffic accident, who said resolutely, “It is fine, I will run to the station,” and dashed off along the road (58:06), stirring Young-ryong’s young blood with this image of such courage and determination.

“I see, so you wish to become a Special Volunteer Soldier,” Shiraishi said with heartfelt joy and gave his enthusiastic encouragement.

Thus, in April, with the cherry blossoms in bloom, Young-ryong’s wish was fulfilled as he, accompanied by Yeong-ja and the Shiraishis, proudly set off for the Special Volunteer Soldier Training School (1:13:56).

(The End)

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年5月23日

待望の『愛と誓い』
きょう府民館で試写会

大本営海軍報道部企画指導、海軍省後援のもとに朝鮮映画社は三月十五日から撮影を開始した海軍映画『愛と誓い』はこのほど製作完了。二十三日昼夜二回にわたり府民館で招待試写会を行う。

これは半島海軍志願兵制度の精神を現すと共に特攻精神の実相を劇的興味ある物語で綴ったもので不幸な人々が相助け合う温かい人情味を盛って戦時下ややもすれば荒みがちな愛情をよみがえらせるもの。

その梗概をみれば幼なくして父母兄弟を失った天涯の孤児金英龍は京城新報社白石編集局長の情けでその家に引取られ、新聞社の給仕を勤めつつ温かい生活を続けていたが、特別攻撃隊員村井少尉家へ社命で記事取材のため訪問。村井少尉の学んだ教室、遊んだ純朴な野原や川のほとりへと未亡人英子と共に歩いた。彼等が静かな物思いに耽りつつ帰って来ると、恰度村井少尉出撃前夜の声を録音した音盤が届けられていた。

『いよいよ出動です。かねてお訓しのように笑って出かけます』と音盤から明るい声が流れ出た。この厳粛な気持に英龍は身じろきも出来なかった。また英子未亡人の殊更な愛情も手伝って夢のような幾日かを過し、深い感銘をいだいて帰った英龍は素晴らしい記事を残して決然と村井少尉のあとに続き海軍に志願した。【写真＝愛と誓いの一場面】

京城日報 1945年5月25日～27日

映画物語『愛と誓い』

海軍特別志願兵制度に応えて半島に沸きあがる青少年の海への決意を描く朝映の『愛と誓い』はこのほど完成。二十四日から封切られた。

（１）

『相変らず、朝鮮の空は美しいですね』

『そうだ。でもこの美しい空は、君の征く戦場の大空へ、つながっているのだよ』

京城新報社の編輯局長白石五郎は、出征にあたって、社へ別れに来た恩師の一人息子村井少尉の写真を屋上で撮り了ると、沁々とした面持で、澄みきった大空を仰いだが、フト向こうの壁のところから、チラッと覗いた一人の少年の姿を目ざとく見付けると、『英龍じゃないか。何処をうろついていたのだ』と、劇しい言葉を浴びせて、近寄って行った。

この少年は、四年まえ鐘路の裏街から白石が拾ってきて、ずっと自分の家で面倒を見てやっている金英龍という孤児で、いまは社の給仕をさせながら夜学へ通わせているのだが、未だに放浪癖が抜けずもう二三日まえから、一寸した失策から家を飛び出しているのであった。村井少尉は、白石局長からその事情をきくと、『いかん、そんな心配をかけるものではない。これからは君たちがしっかりする番だよ』と言って、英龍の肩を叩くと、『どうです、二人の分も一つ、もう一枚とって下さいませんか』と白石局長へ頼んだ。

白石は『いかん、これからは君たちが、しっかりする番だ』という村井少尉の言葉に、なにか劇しい少尉の決意を予感しながら、再びならび立った二人へカメラを向けた。

果たせるかな。それから間もなく神風特別攻撃隊〇〇隊の壮挙が発表されたが、その中に村井信一郎－村井少尉の名前があった。

（２）

『この良人の傍に立っている子供の名前を、御存じでしょうか』

村井少尉が社へ訪ねてきたときにとった写真を持って、白石夫妻が恩師の宅を訪問すると、少尉の未亡人へささやいた。英子は、上海事変のとき両親を失い、朝鮮へ引き揚げるとき、五つになっていた弟の金英柱ともはぐれて仕舞ったのだが、その弟の幼顔に何処かその少年の顔は、似ているというのである。

『この子供は、私の家に引取っている孤児ではありませんか。金英龍といいますの』

白石夫人は、気の毒そうにそう言うと、それでも一度良人へ頼んで、英龍を訪ねさせようと、約束するのであった。

その頃、白石は恩師の学校で、全校生徒を集めて、『神鷲というと、あなた達は自分の手の届かないような、大変生れつきから偉かった人のように考えるでしょうが、決してそうではありません。立派な軍人になれれば、きっと神鷲になれるのです。あなた達だって、毎日をよく勉強して早く立派な軍人になって下さい』と、判り易い言葉で、烈々と村井少尉のあとへ続く、その童心へ呼びかけていた。

しかしその夜、遅く村井家から白石夫妻が帰ってみると、子供の豊夫と英龍は葡萄酒と間違えてウィスキーを飲み大変な騒ぎをしているところであった。

『お母さんの留守に、なぜこんな真似をするのです』

白石より先に帰ってきた夫人の桂子は、激しく豊夫を叱ったが、英龍は叱らなかった。当然叱られることを覚悟していた英龍は、かえって叱られないことが淋しく、愛情の孤独に耐えかねて、自分の部屋へ悄然と戻ると、声を忍ばせて泣きながら、お母さんと呼びつづけるのであった。

後から帰宅した白石は、桂子から事情をきいて、眠っている英龍の部屋を覗いたが、共入口の壁にかかれている어머니（オモニ）という爪文字を見ると、なぜ英龍も、叱ってやらなかったのだ、之を見るがいい、きっと英龍も叱られたかったのだと、桂子をなじった。

（３）

『これは立派な訪問記だ。君の真心がこもっている』

金英龍に村井家を訪問させた白石は英龍の書いてきたその訪問記を見て、非常に激賞すると、君も今度から記者見習いにしてやるといった。しかし英龍は意外にも、それを喜ばなかった。そうして自分は、記者見習よりも、海軍軍人になりたいから、特別志願兵訓練所へ入所したいと言った。

村井家を訪問した英龍の心の中に、大きな変化を起させた一つの原因は村井家から帰る日、自動車事故のためにバスに乗れなくなった半島の入営壮丁が、いいです駅まで走りますと、みんなの心配顔へ、決然として言うと、一散にバス道路を駅へかけて行ったその雄々しい姿であった。あの雄々しさ、あの毅然たる姿、それを思いうかべると、英龍の若い全身の血は沸り立つのであった。

『そうか、特別志願兵になるか』白井は心からそれを喜ぶと、大いに激励した。

やがて桜咲く四月、念願の叶った英龍は、英子や白石夫妻に送られて勇躍〇〇特別志願兵訓練所へ急ぐのであった。（了）

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

External blog links covering "Love and Vows":

• https://blog.naver.com/bumryul/223117000706 (in Korean)
• https://beh3.hatenablog.com/entry/2021/10/02/151951 (in Japanese)
• https://ameblo.jp/jk-nextfilm/entry-10461126501.html (in Japanese)

Link to the YouTube video of the entire film (no subtitles): https://youtu.be/AsmQjtVSUyA

In 1945, Imperial Japan trained almost every able-bodied Korean man, woman, and child to stab Americans to death with bamboo spears in suicide combat militias under direct Imperial Army command

Let's look at three articles from Keijo Nippo (the official Japanese colonial newspaper in Korea) published in April through August 1945 which give a chilling window into how Imperial Japan prepared the Korean population for what they saw as an inevitable final battle on the Korean Peninsula. Almost every Japanese and Korean man, woman, and even child was expected to receive training in bamboo spear techniques and was subjected to intense anti-American propaganda designed to mentally prepare them to fight and kill Allied soldiers without hesitation. The message was clear: they were to sacrifice their lives if necessary, but not before taking at least one Allied soldier with them in the process.

Korean civilians training in bamboo spears at Sunrin Commercial School in Seoul

The first article, published on April 28, 1945, describes a scene at Sunrin Commercial School in Seoul where civilians — many likely conscripted against their will — are shown training with bamboo spears under cherry blossoms. Similar drills were almost certainly taking place all over Korea as well as mainland Japan as the authorities sought to raise a Volunteer Corps of civilians, organized into improvised militias directly controlled by the Imperial Army. The hierarchical command structure of the Volunteer Corps would later be finalized in July 1945 with great fanfare by the top brass of the Imperial Army and the Governor-General's Office. This system was much like the Volkssturm militias of Nazi Germany in its final months. 

The second article, published on June 13, 1945, explains how the Volunteer Corps were also tasked with providing logistical support (intelligence, transportation, communications) to the Imperial Army. But it emphasizes that these transport units were expected to convert into combat units at a moment’s notice, and become farm workers when needed. The article even gives an example of how an activation order might be announced by radio. Those judged to have special aptitude would be organized into guerrilla units to carry out guerrilla warfare.

The third article, published on August 4, 1945, reinforces this point: even transport volunteers driving ox-and-horse carts were expected to instantly mobilize into combat units.

Elsewhere in the same newspaper in June and July 1945, there were instructions on how to fight tanks with hand grenades, how to dig trenches for combat, and other military tactics. This dissemination of military knowledge to the general population was intended to create a mass resistance against Allied invasion. Yet ironically, it had an unforeseen consequence. When Japan surrendered on August 15, 1945, this same population — already mentally prepared for armed struggle — rose up in various armed uprisings, as seen in incidents across Korea in the immediate post-war period. This outcome reveals a cognitive blind spot of the Japanese military leadership: they failed to consider what would happen after their defeat, and as a result, they unwittingly planted the seeds of armed resistance against themselves.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 28, 1945

A Bamboo Spear That Flashes in an Instant to Defend the Divine Land of Japan
The Sword of Wrath That Strikes to Kill
Under the Cherry Blossoms – Homeland Defense Troops Train with Bamboo Spears

In this campaign of tremendous bloodshed, the vile enemy, though distressed by the depletion of its forces, continues to press on toward a final decisive battle. That indomitable will to fight is none other than the treacherous ambition to trample our homeland into complete ruin.

Anticipating an enemy landing on the mainland, the hundred million citizens must literally arm themselves to the last man and woman and protect this Imperial land, unsullied by defilement. Each of us, man or woman, must with certainty kill at least one enemy, stop the breath of the foe, and secure final victory.

Those without weapons shall take up bamboo spears and fight to the bitter end. Let us wield the deadly bamboo spear and fall together with the enemy in mutual destruction. The call for universal armament of our hundred million must not remain empty words.

Here, on the grounds of Sunrin Commercial School, the gentle spring breeze is broken daily by the fierce bamboo spear training of the Homeland Defense Troops.

Should the filthy barbarians invade our land, we shall pierce through the chests of the Americans with a single thrust. Burning with this resolute fighting spirit, about two hundred leaders of the Homeland Defense Troops and various government offices and companies have, since the 26th, gathered under the fully blooming cherry blossoms for three days of instruction in bayonet techniques and bamboo spear training. From morning till evening, they continue intense training under the guidance of their instructors, starting with basic movements.

This is not training for the sake of training. Even the dummy targets used for thrusting practice are unlike those of the past. They represent the targets of those who, aflame with righteous anger, stand in defense of the Imperial land unto death.

The day will surely come when these bamboo spears will be dyed with the blood of our hated enemies. Within the flash of each thrust surges the very soul of our divine nation’s defense.

If there is no bamboo, wood will do. Thrust, thrust, and thrust again — that is the bamboo spear spirit. We asked Second Lieutenant Kawabata, the instructor, to speak:

“Until now, training of this type has been nothing but talk, and there has been no true effort to practice it. People do not even know how to handle wooden rifles, yet they are told to arm themselves completely — that can no longer be allowed. We must abandon the attitude of relying on reinforcements to come. Instead, every single citizen must cultivate their own actual fighting ability. In preparation for emergency, it is absolutely essential to master the handling of weapons that can replace the bayonet when fighting the enemy — that is, the bamboo spear. Doing so is nothing other than the true expression of the spirit to defend the Imperial land to the end.

If there is no bamboo, wood will do. The standard length is from 1 meter 70 centimeters to about 2 meters. The method of handling is no different from bayonet technique. Let us wield our bamboo spears, become a national corps of attackers, and burn with a fierce determination to drive out and slay every last one of the foul invaders.”

[Photo: Training of the Homeland Defense Troops with spears]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) June 13, 1945

What Are the National Volunteer Combat Units?
Divided by Workplace and Region
No Ranks Except for the Commander

The National Volunteer Military Service Act, submitted to the 87th Wartime Diet, passed both the House of Peers and the House of Representatives and has been enacted. This military service law provides the legal foundation for the National Volunteer Corps, which has already been organized nationwide, to be transformed into combat units when the time comes. With the enactment of this military service law, the entire population will greet the enemy landing on the homeland, and all will become soldiers, directly or indirectly joining the frontlines of exterminating the enemy. Thus, the unprecedented realization of complete and thorough universal conscription has been achieved.

The specific details of this military service law will be announced as Imperial ordinances as needed and promptly implemented. The general outline, as clarified through Diet debates, is as follows:

Relationship with the Volunteer Corps:
When the National Volunteer Corps is transformed into combat units, they will be mobilized under this military service law and become volunteer soldiers.

Timing, order, and method of forming combat units:
The order to form combat units will be issued by army district commanders with permission from the Army and Navy Ministers. At present, it is expected that transportation and communication institutions will be among the first to receive immediate orders to form such units. Their employees will become volunteer soldiers upon the issuance of the order, and their peacetime organizational structures will remain intact as combat units. However, their actual operations will be under the direction and supervision of the relevant minister in charge.

Similarly, important factories that are likely to become targets of air raids will also be ordered to form combat units. In these cases, the existing factory organization will become the combat unit, with the company president or factory manager serving as the commander. This is not an official government position.

The above pertains to workplace-based volunteer units that will soon be implemented. As for regional units, in areas where enemy invasion is deemed imminent, orders for formation will be issued individually as needed. For example, in cases where air raids intensify and suspicion of an invasion grows stronger, such orders will be given.

Method of mobilization:
The simplest possible method will be used, primarily verbal orders. For example, a radio broadcast might declare, “The National Volunteer Corps of XX Prefecture, XX Town shall be transformed into combat units,” thereby ordering the formation. In other words, this formation order itself constitutes the call-up, so no written call-up notices will be issued.

Demobilization:
Demobilization will similarly be communicated via radio or verbal announcements.

Organizational structure:
Combat units will be organized at the city, town, village, and major workplace level. These entities must maintain a roster of all affiliated volunteer members.

Status and duties of combat unit members:
The combat units are divided into two categories — workplace-based and regional — but their status is the same. Except for the commander, there are no ranks among the volunteer soldiers. The commander is appointed by the military. In essence, everyone is treated as a private soldier.

The duties differ depending on the reason for formation, but they primarily involve rear-area duties for the military: logistics, intelligence, communications, maintenance of airfields and roads, and so on. Workplace-based production combat units will continue production activities until the very end. During busy agricultural seasons, units will be suitably formed to assist in farming villages, becoming food production combat units as needed. Thus, combat units may also be mobilized as labor reinforcements.

Training:
Training of combat unit members will vary depending on their assigned duties. Some will be specially selected to form assault or raiding units, engaging in bold guerrilla warfare alongside Imperial army soldiers. Since the assigned duties — such as maintaining roads, airfields, transport, and communications — are generally predetermined, training will focus only on what is necessary for these tasks.

In the case of production (factories), production itself is regarded as a combat mission, so there is no need for bamboo spear training. The military's emphasis for training is on spiritual education. The principle is to cultivate a single, elite capability for the assigned task. There is no need for unnecessary training in various areas — the key is to perform the assigned task excellently. Training time should be minimized and used efficiently. Particularly emphasized is the development of integrated training methods where training and production are one and the same.

Command structure:
This will be clarified by imperial ordinance, but apart from railways and communications, regional combat units will be organized by town or village, and a joint combat unit will be established under military control. Command authority lies with the military commander of the relevant area.

Age and other requirements:
Because combat units require mental and physical strength, the upper age limits have been lowered by five years from the Volunteer Corps limits: men up to 60 years old, women up to 40 years old. Previously, the limits were men up to 65 years old, women up to 45 years old. However, those outside these age limits may join as volunteers.

Exemptions:
Those already conscripted, enlisted, ill, pregnant women, women who have given birth, their protective personnel, and others deemed irreplaceable by the regiment district commander will be exempt. In short, all who are capable of working will become combat unit members.

Rewards and punishments:
Combat unit members are treated as soldiers under military discipline. They are eligible for decorations just like regular soldiers, including the Order of the Golden Kite, and will be enshrined at Yasukuni Shrine. Punishments will be applied with leniency, without referral to military tribunals under the Army and Navy Acts.

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) August 4, 1945

Robust Independent Volunteer Corps
Transport Units Are Formed
Motor Vehicle and Ox-and-Horse Cart Units to Set Out Soon

The National Volunteer Corps on the Korean Peninsula, preparing heroically for the decisive battle on the homeland, is advancing boldly. In the event of an emergency, overland transport will be of utmost importance. In particular, for small-scale transport operations such as motor vehicles and ox-and-horse carts, excluding Central Region Korean Railway, the Governor-General’s Office has decided to form National Volunteer Transport Units to establish an active operational posture under perfect, unbroken control.

These transport units will be divided into two parts: the National Volunteer Motor Vehicle Unit and the National Volunteer Small Transport Unit composed of ox-and-horse carts. The motor vehicle unit will have its headquarters at the Motor Vehicle Control Company, with battalions assigned to each province.

The small transport unit will have headquarters in each province, battalions at each police station, companies at each police outpost, and beneath them, platoons and squads. The members of these units will not be incorporated into workplace-based or regional National Volunteer Corps units.

These will function as independent, cooperative volunteer units that, upon the issuance of an order, can be converted into combat units.

Regarding the management of these most vital transport units, the Governor-General’s Office convened transport and security section chiefs from each province on the fourth and fifth of this month to hold planning and coordination meetings for operational command.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年4月28日

一瞬閃く神州護持の竹槍
怒る必刺の剣
桜花の下・郷軍竹槍訓練

夥しい出血作戦に醜敵は兵力の損耗に焦慮しながらも最後の決戦を挑みつづける。その侮り難き戦意は飽くまでも本土を蹂躙しつくそうとする不逞な野望に他ならぬ。

本土上陸を予測して一億は文字通り総武装し汚されたことなき皇土を護持、男も女も必ずや一人一殺をもって敵の息の根を止め最後の勝利を獲得せねばならぬ。

武器なきものは竹槍をとっても戦い抜こう。必殺の竹槍をふるって敵と刺し違えようではないか。

一億皆武装も口先だけではいけない。ここ善隣商業学校校内では春風駘蕩の麗らかさを破って毎日烈しい郷軍の竹槍訓練が行われている。

一たび醜夷わが国土に侵犯せばこの一突をもってメリケンの胸板を貫かんの満々たる闘魂に燃ゆる郷軍はじめ各官衙会社の指導者二百名達は二十六日から三日間に亘ってらんまんの桜花の下で銃剣道と竹槍訓練の講習に参加し、終日、教官の指導のもとに基本動作から火の出るような訓練を続けている。

訓練のための訓練ではない。刺突する仮標もまたこれまでの仮標とは違う。怒りに燃えた皇土死守の姿である。

この竹槍がやがて怨敵の血で染まる時が来るであろう。されば一閃する刺突の中に神州護持の魂魄が奔流するのだ。竹槍がなくば木でもよい。突いて突いて突きまくる竹槍精神を、教官川畑少尉に語って貰った。

『今までこの種の訓練は口ばかりであり、実際にやるということがなかったようだ。木銃の持ち方も知らなくて総武装せよなどというのはもう今ではいけない。待つあるを恃むの戦闘態勢から国民の一人一人が残らず実力を培養して置くことである。有事の際を覚し敵と戦う銃剣に代わるべき武器、即ち竹槍などの操方は絶対に身につけて置くことが真剣に皇土を護り抜く精神の発露に他ならない。竹がなくば木でもよい。長さは一米七十糎から二米位が標準である。その操方は銃剣道と変りない。竹槍をふるい、国民総斬込隊となって醜賊を一人残らず撃ち攘う烈々の気概に燃えねばならぬ』

【写真＝郷軍の槍訓練】

京城日報 1945年6月13日

国民義勇戦闘隊とは
職域と地域に区分
隊長を除き階級なし

第八十七敵前議会に提出された国民義勇兵役法案は貴衆両院を通過成立した。この兵役法は全国的にほぼ組織を終った国民義勇隊が戦闘隊となるべき時の法的根拠をなすもので、全国民はこの兵役法の制定によって敵を本土に邀え、悉くが一兵卒となって直接間接滅敵の第一線に参加することになり、史上その比を見ない完全かつ徹底した国民皆兵の姿がここに実現するに至った。この兵役法の具体的諸点は今後その都度勅令によって公示され、速やかに実施されるが、議会において論議され明かとなった諸点を通じその大体の輪郭を示せば次の通りである。

義勇隊との関係：国民義勇隊が戦闘隊に転移すればこの兵役法によって召集され義勇兵となる。

戦闘隊編成の時期、順序、方法：戦闘隊に編成される命令は陸海軍大臣の許可を得て各軍管区司令官が下令する。現在のところ直ちに編成下令されるものと予想されるものには運輸、通信機関がある。これらの従業員は下令次第全部義勇兵となり、平時の組織そのままで戦闘隊となるわけである。しかし実際の業務はその斯管大臣の指揮監督を受くることとなる。これについて編成下令されるものに空襲目標となる重要工場がある。この場合も工場の組織そのままが戦闘隊となる。社長、工場長が隊長となり指揮することとなるが、これは官職ではない。

以上は近く実施される職域義勇隊の場合であるが、地域的には敵の侵攻間近しと判断される地区について個々に必要に応じて編成下令が下ることになっている。たとえば空襲が激化し、その侵攻の疑い濃厚となった場合など下令せられることとなろう。召集の方法は最も簡易を選び口頭でやることを原則としている。たとえばラジオ放送を利用して『〇〇県〇〇町国民義勇隊は戦闘隊に転移すべし』と下令し、編成を命ずる。すなわち、この編成下令が義勇召集を意味するものであるから召集令状は出さないことになっている。

解除の場合もまた同様ラジオや口頭などで伝達される。戦闘隊の軍位は市、町、村および主要職域団体でこれらの機関では所属義勇隊員の連名簿を作って置くことが必要である。

戦闘隊員の身分、任務、戦闘隊は以下の如く職域、地域と二つに区分されているが、その身分は同じである。義勇兵には隊長を除き階級はない。隊長は軍が命ずる。すなわち全部が一兵卒というわけである。

任務は編成の理由によって異なって来るが、主として軍の後方勤務、兵站、情報、連絡、飛行場、道路の補修等に従事する。また職域で最後まで生産に邁進する生産戦闘隊は農繁期に適当に編成されて農村に出動する。食糧増産戦闘隊となることもある。このように戦闘隊は場合により労務の補充として召集されることもあり得るのである。

戦闘隊の訓練：戦闘隊員の訓練は与えられた任務により色々違って来るが、中には特に選ばれて斬込み挺身隊となり、皇軍将兵と共に果敢なゲリラ戦を専門にやるものもあるが、道路、飛行場の補修輸送、連絡等と平素から大体与えられる任務がきまっているから訓練にはそれに必要な訓練をやる。

生産（工場）：戦闘隊は生産それ自体が戦闘任務であるから竹槍訓練等は勿論やる必要もない。軍の予定している訓練の重点は精神教育であり、特に与えられる任務に対し単一精鋭なることを原則としている。従ってあれもこれもやる必要はない。つまり与えられた一つの任務を立派にやればよい。訓練には余計な時間をさかず、出来るだけ短い時間を活用してやる。特に訓練即生産ともいうべき生産と一体的な訓練方法を工夫することが強調されている。

命令系統構成：これは勅令で明かにされるが鉄道、通信は別として地区戦闘隊は町村を単位とし軍に聯合戦闘隊を設ける。これらの指揮権は当該地区の軍司令官にある。

年齢其の他：戦闘隊は気力体力を要するので年齢は義勇隊の男六十五歳、女四十五歳から各五歳切り下げられ、男六十、女四十なでと定められている。しかして年齢外のものでも志願によって戦闘隊に加わることが出来る。除外例としては応召、入営者、病人、妊産婦その保護要員及びその他聯隊区司令官が余人を以て換えられないと認めるものであるが、要するに働けるものの総てが戦闘隊員になるわけである。

賞罰：戦闘隊員は義勇兵であるから軍紀の下に軍人として待遇される。行賞は勿論一般軍人と同じで金鵄勲章も授賜され、靖国神社に祀られる。罰は陸海軍法会議に附することなく緩和して適用されることとなっている。

京城日報 1945年8月4日

逞し独立義勇隊
輸送隊を編成
自動車、牛馬者両隊近く発進

本土決戦に備える半島の国民義勇隊は勇壮に進発しているが、有事の場合最も重要である陸上輸送、就中鮮鉄を除いた自動車、牛馬車等の小運送部門に対し、総督府は国民義勇輸送隊を編成し、一糸紊れざる統制下に活発なる活動態勢を整備することになった。

此輸送隊は国民義勇自動車隊と牛馬車を打って一丸とする国民義勇小運搬隊に分れ自動車隊は自動車統制会社に本部を置き各道に大隊をおくことになっている。小運搬隊は各道に本部、各警察署に大隊、駐在所に中隊を置き、其下に小隊、分隊を置き、これらの隊員は職域、地域の義勇隊には編入されない。

単独協力なる義勇隊とし一度命下れば戦闘隊に切り替えられるものである。此最も重要なる輸送隊の運営に付、総督府は四、五の両日各道輸送保安課長を召集、運営指揮の打合せを行う。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

See also: (June 17, 1945 Q and A regarding mass mobilization): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2023/10/in-june-1945-imperial-japan-announced.html

Imperial Japan banned passengers wearing chima skirts from boarding trains, escalating its campaign against traditional Korean garments in May 1945

In May 1945, as the war situation worsened, the Japanese colonial authorities in Korea tightened their grip on everyday life in increasingly petty and invasive ways. One striking example was the enforcement of strict wartime attire regulations. As shown in this May 14, 1945 article, colonial authorities began banning travelers from boarding trains if they were not wearing “proper” air-raid clothing, which explicitly targeted traditional Korean garments—especially the flowing chima skirts worn by Korean women.

On May 9, 1945, Keijō Nippō published a photo of the feet of Korean women wearing chima, shaming them by calling such clothing “a suicidal act.” The article warned that the skirts could easily catch fire from incendiary bombs or become soaked with water and render the wearer unable to function in a wartime emergency. The piece concluded by declaring that such a sight was inappropriate for May 8, which was Imperial Rescript Day (Taishō Hōtai-bi).

Imperial Rescript Day was a commemorative day established in 1942 during the Pacific War to boost morale across the Japanese Empire. It replaced the earlier “Asia Promotion Service Day” and designated the 8th of every month as a day for rallying national resolve to complete the war effort. On this day, subjects across the empire were expected to participate in rituals such as reading the imperial war proclamation, offering victory prayers at shrines and temples, and displaying Japanese flags at home.

Apparently, many Koreans mistakenly believed that these harsh clothing inspections applied only on Imperial Rescript Day. This would explain why the number of attire violations dropped sharply on the 8th, only to spike again afterwards. 

The requirement to undergo humiliating attire checks at train stations—particularly the targeting of traditional Korean dress—would have understandably outraged many. In a time of total war, when morale should have been preserved, this kind of petty colonial micromanagement only deepened alienation and anger among the colonized.

Documenting examples like this is important. They show how colonial oppression extended into the minutiae of daily life, even into how people dressed. Far from merely logistical wartime policies, these measures were ideological tools meant to erase Korean identity, impose Japanese norms, and discipline the population into obedience. Remembering and analyzing these acts of everyday repression is not just about historical interest—it is about confronting the full spectrum of colonial violence, including the psychological and cultural forms that often go unacknowledged.

[Translations]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) May 14, 1945

"Prohibited Attire for Boarding Trains"
Many in the Intellectual Class are Caught — One Hundred People Per Day
Sunday Special Inspection Report

Since the fourth of this month, enemy aircraft have launched continuous attacks over the seas of southern Korea. On the twelfth, six enemy flying boats penetrated the region, launching attacks on ships. The Korean peninsula is now effectively a battlefield. It is not out of the question that these enemy planes may escalate from attacks on ships to indiscriminate bombing of cities.

So, how prepared is the Korean peninsula to face this threat? Regrettably, it cannot yet be said that we are in a full wartime posture.

To take a simple example — the air-raid attire of travelers. Despite repeated warnings to the point of exhaustion, a significant number still do not wear maki-kyahan (leg wrappings), or drag long Korean-style garments that sweep the ground. Not a few have even been denied boarding by station staff. It is especially disgraceful when even members of the educated class, who should be setting an example, nonchalantly fail to wear the proper leg wrappings.

To establish a travel posture suitable for decisive battle, the Seoul Regional Bureau has, since the first of this month, prohibited boarding to travelers not in air-raid attire. From the first to the tenth at Seoul Station, 230 travelers were denied boarding.

Here is the breakdown of the numbers of passengers who were denied boarding:

• • Day 1: 12

• • Day 2: 8

• • Day 3: 32

• • Day 4: 26

• • Day 5: 36

• • Day 6: 48

• • Day 7: 39

• • Day 8: 2

• • Day 9: 6

• • Day 10: 21

The eighth was Imperial Rescript Day, so air-raid attire was strictly observed, with only two violations.

The highest number of refusals was on the sixth, with 48 people barred from boarding. If the general mindset is that "air-raid attire is only necessary on Rescript Days," that is a grave mistake. Enemy aircraft can appear at any time. If one can wear air-raid attire on a Rescript Day, one can certainly do so on other days.

Although unfamiliarity might be an excuse in the beginning, under normal circumstances the number of boarding denials should gradually decrease. However, judging from these numbers, there has been no reduction at all — rather, starting from the third, the number has increased, revealing a general indifference toward air-raid readiness.

Of course, the station staff are not eager to refuse boarding. If travelers are properly attired, that is enough. Station personnel issue warnings before the ticket gate to travelers who are not dressed properly. Only those who ignore these warnings are refused boarding as a last resort.

Each day, more than 100 travelers are warned, and at peak times, the number exceeds 200.

• • Day 1: 219

• • Day 2: 216

• • Day 3: 187

• • Day 4: 137

• • Day 5: 126

• • Day 6: 121

• • Day 7: 117

• • Day 8: 49

• • Day 9: 70

• • Day 10: 57

Without the station staff’s compassionate warnings, all these individuals would have been denied boarding outright.

It is utterly shameful that over 100 travelers each day, despite utilizing railways — regarded as weapons of war, must be reprimanded for improper air-raid attire under repeated air raids. Air-raid attire is not for anyone else — it is for the travelers’ own safety.

Travelers must take the current situation more seriously, and rather than wait to be told by station staff, they must proactively ensure proper air-raid attire.

What about the clothing of travelers arriving at Seoul Station? Unfortunately, their attire is just as inappropriate. They are not dressed for wartime travel. Although the emergency policy of “no boarding without air-raid attire” is not limited to Seoul Station but enforced throughout the entire jurisdiction of the regional transportation bureau, arriving passengers should have had their attire inspected at their departure stations.

The fact that their attire is in disarray upon arrival suggests that they shed their air-raid attire after boarding, as if thinking it is only necessary to get past boarding inspections.

This mindset must be corrected immediately. The station has announced that it will further tighten enforcement from now on.

Given the increasing severity of enemy bombing, this policy is entirely appropriate. Travelers themselves must take initiative in wearing proper air-raid clothing. Anyone wearing "unfit-for-battle attire" must be firmly excluded from our valuable wartime trains. Let us establish a decisive travel posture as soon as possible, prepared to face enemy planes at any time.

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) May 9, 1945

Can You Really Be Active Like This?

Do you really think your clothing is appropriate? Do you think you can withstand the enemy’s blind bombings dressed like that? Or is it that you do not own monpe workpants? How many times must we say that wearing chima is an act of suicide before you understand?

When incendiary bombs set your chima on fire, or when your chima becomes soaked with water, you will no longer be able to move, and you will be completely defeated.

Enemy planes may come soon—perhaps even tonight. Just because the weather has become pleasant, do not be foolish enough to think, “I will just try wearing this for a bit.” Get serious.

Even so, we still see girls strutting through the streets indulging in a sense of style, not wearing monpe, but rather sailor-style trousers—pants so fancy that even men do not wear them, once worn by revue girls. This too must stop.

If you must wear pants, tighten the hems. Also, we have seen men who are not wearing leg wrappings. That too must be corrected immediately.

The above are the unfit-for-battle appearances we observed on the Imperial Rescript Day on the 8th in a city that is under attack from frequent enemy air raids. [Photo caption: Could this be you?]

[Transcriptions]

京城日報 1945年5月14日

『乗車禁止の非服装』

多い指導層、一日に百名

日曜紙上査察

去る四日以来敵機は連日わが南鮮海面に来襲しつつある。十二日も敵飛行艇六機が南鮮海面に侵入。船舶に攻撃を加え来った半島もいまや戦場と化し敵機はいつ現在の船舶攻撃から都市の無差別爆撃に出ないとも限らないが、ところがこれに備ゆる半島の態勢はどうか。遺憾ながら、いまだ戦う態勢になりきっているとはない。

早い話が旅行者の防空服装一つをとりあげてみても、あれだけ口がすっぱくなるほど注意されながらいまだに巻脚絆をつけない者、すその長い鮮服をひきずっている者が相当数に上り、駅員から乗車を拒絶された旅行者も少なくない。殊に率先垂範すべき知識階級までが平然と脚絆をつけないでいるのはもっての外だ。

旅行の決戦態勢化を期する京城地方局では去る一日から防空服装以外の旅行者は乗車を禁止しているが、京城駅で一日から十日までに乗車禁止にあった旅行者は二百三十名に上っている。

内訳は初日の一日が十二名、二日が八名、三日が三十二名、四日が二十六名、五日が三十六名、六日が四十八名、七日が三十九名、八日が二名、九日が六名、十日が二十一名となっており、流石に八日は大詔奉戴日だけに防空服装が徹底していて禁止は僅か二名に過ぎない。

一番多いのは六日で実に四十八名が乗車を禁止されているが、一般が『防空服装は大詔奉戴日だけ』といった考えでいるとしたら大変な間違いだ。敵機はいつやって来ないとも限らないし、大詔奉戴日に防空服装が出来て他の日に出来ない筈もない。しかも最初は周知不十分ということも考えられ、本来なら漸次乗車禁止が減少する筈であるが、この数字からみると一向減少しておらず、反対に初日は少なく三日から増加している状態で、防空服装に対する一般の冷淡さをはっきりと窺うことが出来るのである。

無論、駅では乗車拒絶が本意ではない。旅行者の防空服装が整えばそれでよく、だからとくに改札前防空服装を整えていない旅行者には注意を与えており、乗車拒絶はそれでも聞かない不埒者に最後の切札として断行しているのである。

この注意を与える旅行者数をみると、これは毎日百名を下らず、多い時には実に二百名を越している。まず初日の一日が二百十九名、二日が二百十六名、三日が百八十七名、四日が百三十七名、五日が百二十六名、六日が百二十一名、七日が百十七名、八日が四十九名、九日が七十名、十日が五十七名であり、駅側のこの思いやりの注意がなければ毎日これだけの旅行者が乗車禁止になっているわけだ。

敵機連襲下に、しかも兵器といわれる鉄道を利用する旅行者が毎日百名以上も防空服装のことで駅員から注意されるのは恥辱も甚だしい。防空服装は誰のためでもない。旅行者自身のためであり、もっと真剣に時局を見つめ、寧ろ駅側からいわれる前に旅行者自ら進んで防空服装の徹底を期せねばならない。

一方京城駅に降りて来る旅行者の服装はどうか。これも乗車する旅行者と変わらず、まだまだ戦う服装になりきっていない。防空服装以外は乗車禁止の非常措置はひとり京城駅ばかりでなく、地方交通局管内全部にわたって断行されているのだし、降車客は発駅で乗車の際、一応服装を点検された筈であるが、それでいて降車の際の服装が乱れているのは旅行者が乗車してしまえば防空服装の必要なく、防空服装は乗車するためのものといった考えでいるからだ。

この考えは絶対切り換えねばならない。駅側では今後ますますこの取締を厳重にするといっている。

敵機の爆撃がいよいよ本格化しつつあるとき当然と措置であり、旅行者としても進んで防空服装を整えるよう心掛け、そして貴重な戦う列車からは断然『戦わざる服装』を締出し敵機いつでも来いの決戦旅行態勢を一日も速やかに確立することが望ましい。

京城日報 1945年5月9日

これで活動ができますか

貴女方の服装はそれでよいと思うのですか。それで敵の盲爆に戦い抜けるとでもお思いですか。それともモンペを持っていないのですか。チマのままでは自殺行為だと何度いえばわかるのです。焼夷弾でチマに火がついたとき、またはチマが水に濡れたときは活動が出来ず、あなた方は完全に負けるのです。

敵機は今に、いや今夜でも来るかも判らない季節が陽気になったから、ちょっと着て見ようなどという馬鹿気た心は起さないで真剣になりましょう。それなのにまたモンペでなくレビューガールが履いていた男も履けないセーラズボンにシャレ気分を満喫し街を闊歩する娘を見かけるが、これも止めましょう。ズボンなら裾をしぼりましょう。なお男も脚絆を着用しないのを見受けたが即刻改めましょう。以上敵機しきりに来襲する八日の奉戴日に戦う街で見受けた戦はない姿です。

【写真＝あなたの姿はここにないか】

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

See Also:

Link 1 (1943 clothing regulations regarding chima dresses): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2022/11/onerous-regulations-prescribing-long.html

Link 2 (1944 police detaining a woman in Hanbok dress): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2024/12/korean-woman-in-hanbok-detained-by.html

Link 3 (1945 propaganda speech forbidding rings and chima dresses at work): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/04/dont-wear-rings-or-chima-dresses-dont.html

Link 4 (April 1945 poster shaming Korean women for wearing chima skirts): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/05/imperial-japan-called-korean-women-in.html

“If Japan loses, Koreans will fight each other, divided by foreign powers”: June 1945 warning by Korean collaborator (박춘금, 朴春琴) who urged authorities to redirect Korean nationalism into support for Imperial Japan

This is a translation of a Japanese newspaper roundtable discussion from June 1945, held just two months before Imperial Japan’s defeat in World War II. The participants included senior Japanese officials—an army major general, colonial administrators, and publishing executives—as well as Park Chun-geum, a prominent Korean collaborator and former parliamentarian who was highly trusted by the colonial regime.

Despite his reputation, Park offers an unusually lucid view into the mindset of Koreans at the time. He had spoken directly with Korean youth who feared that if Imperial Japan lost, the peninsula would descend into chaos. Multiple foreign powers—the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, the Chinese Nationalists (Chongqing), and pro-Japanese factions—would all try to assert control. Park warns that Koreans would end up fighting each other, and that the only way to prevent this disaster was for Imperial Japan to trust Koreans, give them hope, and reframe the war as a defense of Korea itself.

Park was essentially calling for a redirection of Korean nationalism—not its suppression—toward protecting the homeland by fighting under the Imperial Japanese banner.

But the Japanese participants could not comprehend this, and ignored Park's concerns. They refused to leave their own reality bubble, insisting upon maintaining the ideology of naisen ittai (內鮮一體, Japanese-Korean Unification), which was fundamentally incompatible with permitting Korean nationalism. This meeting is a striking case of hypernormalization—a regime clinging to its official ideology and pretending that business as usual could continue, even as the empire was disintegrating.

What makes this article especially remarkable is that it was published during the final phase of the Battle of Okinawa, with the clear possibility that the Korean peninsula itself could soon become a battlefield. For years, propaganda had vaguely warned that “we will become slaves” if Imperial Japan lost—but here, for the first time, you see detailed, realistic predictions: a fragmented, occupied Korea and internecine warfare. That level of candor—speculation on Imperial Japan’s defeat and Korea’s postwar future—appearing in a Japanese newspaper in 1945 is extraordinary.

Even more striking, the article predicts that Soviet forces would enter Korea, despite the USSR not yet being at war with Imperial Japan at the time. The only real inaccuracy is the assumption that the Chinese Nationalists (referred to as "Chongqing" after their capital) would prevail in China’s civil war. Otherwise, the forecast is hauntingly accurate.

The roundtable also touches on the organization of Korean Volunteer Corps, intended to mobilize civilians—even girls as young as 12—into makeshift militias similar to Germany’s Volkssturm. At this stage in the war, Japanese authorities were already training some Koreans with bamboo spears, preparing them for suicidal banzai charges against Allied forces.

In short, this roundtable reveals a desperate colonial regime completely out of touch with the sentiment of the Korean people, refusing to accept reality, and still insisting on ideological unity while the empire’s collapse was imminent.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) June 1, 1945

Expectations for the National Volunteer Corps
(Roundtable hosted by Keijo Nippo newspaper, Part 4)
Resolving Ideological Problems
Instill Political Ideals!

Mr. Park Chun-geum (박춘금, 朴春琴) (former member of the Diet): Until recently, I did not understand the feelings of the Korean youth. However, I sensed something lately and gathered some young people together. I asked them: “What do you think will happen to the Korean peninsula if Japan loses the war? And what will happen if Japan wins?” I asked them to speak frankly. They responded with something interesting:

“If Japan loses, five or six different forces will come into the Korean peninsula—such as the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, the Chongqing government, and pro-Japanese elements—splitting into factions and fighting among themselves. The 26 million people on the Korean peninsula will end up killing each other. That would bring the greatest misfortune to the Korean people. Therefore, we hope the Japanese people will fully trust the Koreans and allow us to contribute as well. We would like you, Chun-geum, to convey this message.”

Thus, I believe it is necessary to fully grasp the spirit of the youth. To achieve this, we must provide hope to the Korean people. Up until now, they have been told endlessly to become loyal subjects of the Empire. What is needed now is to give them hope. Entrust the structure of the national body to the Korean people and say, “You can do it. The peninsula is your homeland.”

In short, what is most important at this moment is that the Japanese people sincerely trust the Koreans and give them hope and a sense of cooperation. If we do that, the Korean people will gladly give their lives as Imperial subjects. Also, we must genuinely demonstrate that the motivation behind the Greater East Asia War is the liberation of the peoples of Asia.

I would like to see this kind of roundtable held once more, and with a broader range of participants. I believe it would be extremely effective in stimulating public opinion and providing useful guidance to the authorities.

Mr. Kurashige Shūzō (Imperial Army Major General, Secretary General of the Korea Headquarters of the Patriotic Women's Association): On the 14th, Prime Minister Suzuki clarified the operational policy of the National Volunteer Corps, stating that the Corps’ essential mission is to embody ethical principles and serve the nation.

I have always believed that the foundation of national governance lies in clarifying the national body and rectifying moral principles in order to carry out the war to its conclusion. From this perspective, I believe the National Volunteer Corps should become a central element of current political efforts.

Accordingly, in organizing this system, the government must ensure that its principles are thoroughly understood by the officials directly involved—the heads of provinces, districts (gun), prefectures, towns (eup), and townships (myeon).

Mr. Ishida Kōzō (President of Jinmonsha Publishing): Leaders should be chosen from among the local bosses with real political capability. Ultimately, without political skill, the endeavor will likely fail.

In any undertaking, I believe it is more effective when politically aware people are involved. Organizing a volunteer corps of 26 million requires instilling a political ideal. In order to instill a lofty ideal, political awareness is necessary.

Mr. Park: This is not a time to discuss the grand plans of a hundred years. What matters now is winning the war. To that end, we must secure even greater cooperation from the Korean people. That means giving them hope.

Mr. Matsumura Kōichi (Executive at Korean Aircraft Company, Director at the Ministry of Culture and Information): From what I have heard, two main issues have been raised. One is the matter of political awareness. To be clear, this is an ideological issue. In Korea, a national movement cannot be launched unless the ideological issues are resolved.

Therefore, if a National Volunteer Corps is to be created, we must resolve ideological problems to a certain degree, or else it will be ineffective. I believe no one would disagree with this.

The most solid method would be to resolve these ideological issues and then build the National Volunteer Corps with mainland Japanese at its core and Koreans supporting it.

Mr. Ishida: I fully agree with the first part of what you said. There is no alternative but to resolve Korea’s ideological issues before moving forward.

As for the lingering, unresolved ideological discontent that remains today, I believe it can only be resolved through something like the Volunteer Corps—something combat-oriented. This applies equally to both mainland Japan and Korea. There are unique elements to the complexity of Korea’s ideological issues.

Mr. Matsumura: There is a large qualitative difference between the Korean Volunteer Corps and that of mainland Japan. As for the ideological question, how can it be resolved? If mainland Japan fully trusts the Korean side, and the Korean side fully trusts mainland Japan, then it can be resolved. Achieving that trust will only be possible by fighting the war together. In organizing the Volunteer Corps, I believe Korea’s unique characteristics will naturally emerge.

Mr. Kurashige: The ideological issue is a difficult one, but in our Patriotic Women's Association, for example, when we gather and talk a few times, no real problems arise.

In other words, mutual understanding leads to resolution. If we develop close relationships with each other, we will understand one another. In that case, the concept of Japanese-Korean unification becomes a non-issue.

Mr. Yokomizo (President of Keijo Nippo newspaper): We are truly honored to have gathered you all here today—individuals with rich experience, deep insight, and aspirations regarding the national movement—to provide frank and unreserved opinions about the organization of the National Volunteer Corps.

For our newspaper, which bears the serious responsibility of guiding public opinion, today’s discussion was highly informative. Above all, all policy measures today must focus on winning this war. Therefore, even if a new structure for the National Volunteer Corps is established, it must ultimately aim to achieve maximum effectiveness for victory. All specific strategies must therefore be directed toward this objective.

(End)

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年6月1日

国民義勇隊に期待する（本社主催座談会４）
思想問題の解決
政治的理念を持たせよ

朴春琴氏（元代議士）：私は此の頃の半島青年の気持というものを知らなかった。ところが最近感ずるところがあって青年を集めて私は大体こういうことをいった。『日本が戦に負けたら半島の運命はどうなるか。それから日本が戦に勝ったら朝鮮の運命はどうか』、こういうことで忌憚なく話してくれといった。すると面白いことをいっていた。『日本が負ければ今度は半島には五つも六つもの勢力が入って来る。例えば米英とかソ連とか重慶とか或は親日とかそういうような分子に分れてお互いに闘争する。そうすると二千六百万がお互いに殺しっこをやる。こうなったら半島人は最も大いなる不幸に陥る。故に我々はこう考える日本人が全面的に朝鮮人を信頼して我々にも働かせて貰いたい。そのことを春琴さんから話してくれ』、とそういうことをいっていた。

そこで青年達の魂というものを相当掴む必要があると思う。それがためには何とか半島人に希望を与えなくてはならぬ。今まで単に、お前たちは皇国臣民になれということを耳にタコが出来る程いわれている。そこで希望を与えることだ。今度の国体も半島人に委してお前達がやるのだ。半島はお前達の郷里だという風にやる。何といってもこの際は内地人が大きな気持で半島人を信頼して希望を持たして協力せよというならば、半島人は喜んで皇国臣民として命も捨てる気になる。そして日本民族が大東亜戦争を起した動機はアジア民族の解放にあるのだということを本当に示してやる。

今日のような会をもう一回やってほしい。そして出席者の範囲をもっと広くしてやってほしい。そしたら当局の参考に与論の振起に非常に効果があると思う。

倉茂周蔵氏（陸軍少将、日婦朝鮮本部事務総長）：十四日に鈴木首相は国民義勇隊の運営方針を明らかにされたが、国民義勇隊員は道義をもって国民を貫くことをもって本義と致すものであるといわれた。私は国政の基本は国体を明かにし名分を正し、もって戦争を完遂するにあると常々考えているのであるが、この国民義勇隊はこの意味から申しても今日の政治の要点になるべきものであると思う。

従ってこの組織に当っては政府側においても直接その衝に当る道、郡、府、邑、面、等の長に対してよく其の趣旨を徹底せしめられたい。

石田耕造氏（人文社社長）：指導者は一地方の親分で政治的能力のある人物を選ぶがよい。要するに政治的能力乃至手腕の少ない人はどうもうまく行かないのではないかと思う。何事にもこの運動の展開には政治性を持つ方が効果がありはしないかと思う。二千六百万で義勇隊を組織するということは矢張りそこに政治的理念を持たせる方がよいのではないか。高い理念を持たせるには結局政治性を持たせなくてはならんと思う。

朴氏：百年の大計を今日論ずるのではない。勝てばよいのである。それがためには半島人として一層協力せしむることである。それには希望を与えることが必要であると思う。

松村紘一氏（朝鮮飛行機重役、文報理事）：色々お話を承ったが、要するに問題は二つ提出されていると思う。政治性という問題、これをハッキリ申し上げると思想問題であって結局朝鮮では国民運動は思想問題を解決してからでないと出来ない訳だから、国民義勇隊をつくるならば思想問題にある程度解決を与えないと実効がない。これは何人も異存のないことと思う。そこでこの思想問題を解決して国民義勇隊というものを内地人を中心にしてつくり半島人の方でついていくという方法が一番堅実ではないかと思う。

石田氏：只今のお話の前半には全く賛成である。朝鮮の思想問題を解決して然る後にやる外ないと思う。

今日なお残っている釈然たらざる思想的不満は何によって解決するかということ、これは義勇隊的なそういう戦闘的なものでないと解決出来ないと思う。これは内地側においても朝鮮側においても同じである。朝鮮の思想問題の難しさは独特のものがあると思う。

松村氏：朝鮮の義勇隊と内地側とでは非常に質的に差異があると思う。それから思想問題だが、これをどういう方法で解決するかといえば、内地側は朝鮮側を全面的に信頼し、朝鮮側は内地側を全面的に信頼すれば解決する訳である。これをやることは一緒に戦争をやる外はないと思う。義勇隊組織ということについては朝鮮の特性というものが現れて来ると思う。

倉茂氏：思想問題ということについては難しい問題だが私の方の婦人会等でも二三回集って話をすると結局何も問題は起こらない。つまりよく諒解し合うからである。お互いに親しくすればよく判ることで内鮮一体も何もないと思う。

横溝社長：国民運動について豊富な御経験、御識見また御抱負をもっていられる皆さん方のお集まりを戴き当面の国民義勇隊の組織に関して、最も忌憚のない批判を仰ぎましたことは私共の誠にしあわせとするところです。

与論指導に重大使命を持っている本社としては大変よい参考と相なった訳です。何といっても今日のすべての施策はこの戦争に戦い勝つということに集中しなければならぬ。

この故に、将来つくられる国民義勇隊の新機構といっても結局は勝つために最大の効率を発揮させなければならないのである。従ってそれぞれの具体的な方策はこの目標に集中せられることと思う（終り）。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

Imperial Japan called Korean women in chima dresses ‘the most filthy and ugly sight’ and shamed them with posters captioned ‘there are still women like these’ (April 1945)

In April 1945, with Imperial Japan losing the war, Imperial authorities turned their rage inward.

Captioned poster: "There are still women like these" (まだいる、こんな女性が)

Imperial authorities targeted Korean women for wearing traditional chima skirts instead of wartime monpe trousers. The Battle of Iwo Jima had just ended, and Battle of Okinawa was already well underway, so war tensions were very high. These two articles, published in the Keijo Nippo propaganda newspaper in Seoul under Imperial Japanese rule, scolded Korean women as selfish, vain, and unpatriotic, claiming that women in traditional chima dresses were “the most filthy and ugly sight” in the eyes of the public. 

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 21, 1945

You Cannot Protect This Nation Wearing a Chima Dress

What is this? Have you forgotten the enemy air raids, just strolling around idly?
There are still women like this.

◇ …Dragging their long chima hems, letting their skirts flutter in the spring breeze—how the number of high heels strutting through this city at war has grown! The long winter has passed, cherry buds are swelling on the trees, and now, with the arrival of spring, the slackening of wartime tension has begun to creep into people's hearts. Here and there, women can be seen on the streets who have forgotten their monpe workpants.

◇ …Do these women really think that, dressed like that, they can protect themselves from enemy bombings, protect their homes, and protect their cities? These women dragging their long chima hems have children who go off to school wearing gallant monpe and kyahan leg wraps. These women wearing skirts, whose footsteps echo in the streets in high heels, have brothers who are throwing their lives into battle in factories and on the front lines. Surely these women have not forgotten about that?

◇ …And yet, are these women the only ones allowed to dress like this? Even they cannot say that they do not have enough thread to alter a skirt or chima dress into monpe workpants. If they are clinging to outdated lifestyle habits, then those are the habits of a defeated people. If there are any people who believe that chima dresses and skirts symbolize feminine beauty, then they are gravely mistaken. The people walking the streets see their appearance as the most shameful and unsightly thing, and they look upon them with eyes of reproach.

◇ …It may be April, when spring flowers bloom, but right now, as the decisive battle that will determine the fate of the Japanese people begins, we are living in an autumn of resolve, with all 100 million ready to fall like cherry blossoms in a special attack. Skirts and chima dresses not altered into monpe workpants should be stored away with your evacuation clothing. Let us prepare for the enemy planes that may come even tomorrow, and demonstrate the spirit of the Yamato Nadeshiko in monpe workpants that will not hinder our movement. [Photo: Observations from within Seoul on the 20th during defense drills]

Original caption: Observations from within Seoul on the 20th during defense drills

If You Let Your Guard Down, It Will Cost You!

Secretary-General Kurashige of the Patriotic Women’s Association Issues a Warning About Chima Dresses

During the defense drills held on the 20th, the unsightly sight of women in chima drew widespread scorn. Secretary-General Kurashige of the Patriotic Women’s Association’s Korean Headquarters, issued the following call to awaken women regarding proper air defense attire:

“Because the air raids in Osaka temporarily eased, people became completely careless and stopped wearing monpe. The damage caused by the air raids that struck during this lapse was severe. This is a classic example of what happens when there is no mental discipline.

We Korean women must not repeat this mistake. We must begin with the simple act of wearing monpe pants and throw ourselves into a wartime way of life.

I cannot stop urging the women supporting the home front to awaken!”

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年4月21日

チマでは護れぬ
何事ぞ、敵襲忘れてノタリノタリ
まだいる、こんな女性が

◇．．．裾長にチマを引き、春風にスカートをなぶらせて戦う街をゆくハイヒールの何と殖えたことであろうか。永かった冬も去り桜の枝頭もふくらむ春とともに戦う人の心の間隙に喰いこむ緊張のゆるみからモンペを忘れた女性が街々に散見される。

◇．．．いったい貴女はそれで敵の爆撃から身を護り、家を都市を護り抜けると思っているのでしょうか。チマの裾を引いた貴女の子供は巻脚絆にモンペの凛々しい姿で学校へ通っている。スカートにハイヒールの音も高く街を闊歩する貴女の兄さんや弟たちは工場で戦場で生命を投げ出して戦っていることをよもや忘れてる訳ではないでしょう。

◇．．．それなのに貴女だけがその姿でよいのでしょうか。スカートやチマをモンペに直す位の糸がないとはいくら貴女でもいえますまい。もしも生活の習慣に固執されるのだったら、それは敗戦国民の習慣です。万一チマやスカートが女性美を象徴するものだと思ってる人があったら大間違い。街ゆく人々は貴女達の姿を最も穢れた醜いものとして非難の眼で見ているのですぞ。

◇．．．花開く春四月だが、いまや日本民族の興亡を決する大決戦は咲く花とともに桜花と散らん一億特攻の決意に生きる秋なのです。モンペに直さぬチマやスカート類は疎開衣料のなかに入れて、さあ明日にも来る敵機に備え、活動に支障のないモンペ姿に大和撫子の心意気を示そうではありませんか。

【写真＝防衛演習の二十日府内所見】

油断するな
倉茂日婦総長
チマに警告

防衛演習の二十日、見苦しいチマ姿が一般の顰蹙をかった。日婦朝鮮本部倉茂事務総長はこの日婦人の防空服装に次の如く覚醒を促した。

大阪で一時空襲がゆるやかになったため、すっかり油断してモンペを着なくなった。この時に乗じて受けた空襲の被害は大きかったという。これは心のひきしまりがない時の好例だが、われわれ半島女性はこの轍を踏まないように簡単なモンペ着用から始めて戦う生活に奮闘せねばならない。銃後女性の覚醒を促してやまない。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

See Also:

Link 1 (1943 clothing regulations regarding chima dresses): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2022/11/onerous-regulations-prescribing-long.html

Link 2 (1944 police detaining a woman in Hanbok dress): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2024/12/korean-woman-in-hanbok-detained-by.html

Link 3 (1945 propaganda speech forbidding rings and chima dresses at work): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/04/dont-wear-rings-or-chima-dresses-dont.html