A Rare 1944 Korean–Japanese Bilingual Propaganda Poster Promoting Forced Labor Conscription

This is a very rare Korean–Japanese bilingual wartime propaganda poster, published in Keijo Nippo (Gyeongseong Ilbo) on October 7, 1944. Keijo Nippo was the official propaganda mouthpiece of the Imperial Japanese colonial regime that ruled Korea from 1905 to 1945.

In the four years that I have been reading and archiving articles from this newspaper, this is the only bilingual poster I have ever encountered. The poster features the bilingual lyrics of a song praising “conscripted workers (応徴士),” referring to young Koreans who were being forcibly mobilized for military labor under the so-called White Paper Conscription (白紙召集) system. 

I originally posted about this poster about two years ago, when the only copies available were grainy microfiche scans from the Internet Archive and the National Library of Korea. Since then, the Digital Newspaper Archive at the National Library of Korea has released high-resolution digital scans of Keijo Nippo, allowing a much clearer view of this poster. The Hangul text is now much more legible, so I am updating this post to share this improved copy and to revisit its historical significance with a clearer image.

The White Paper summons was used for various forms of “educational conscription” and training-related mobilization, such as 教育召集 (educational conscription), 演習召集 (training mobilization), and 簡閲点呼 (roll-call inspection). Both the Imperial Army and Navy could issue these white-paper orders, which in practice became a form of compulsory labor service for Korean men.

According to the article, the poster was distributed across all of Korea to raise “home-front morale.” Yet the context makes it chilling. Just months earlier, in April–May 1944, the colonial regime had launched a campaign to “Drive Hangul out of the streets!”, removing Korean-language signs from public view. This makes the poster especially striking—it was one of the very few instances of Hangul text that was officially sanctioned and publicly displayed by the colonial authorities.

For ordinary Koreans, however, the poster’s cheerful and “forward-looking” tone would have felt deeply insulting. They knew from bitter experience what conscription meant: fathers and sons torn away from their families for grueling labor in mines, factories, and construction sites, leaving wives and children destitute. Even though women were not officially subject to the White Paper summons, many feared being swept up into the system—so much so that some rushed into marriage to avoid possible mobilization or being coerced into military sex work under the Imperial forces.

The following are the original lyrics with English translations, as well as the Korean text (uncertain portions in double brackets):

おうちょう（應徵）戦士 Conscription Soldier
お父さん 萬歳 Father, may you live long!
兄ちゃん 萬歳 Elder brother, may you live long!
うれしいな 白紙應召 How joyful it is, White Paper Conscription!
大進撃 勝って下さい Please win the great offensive!
送れ 送れ Send them, send them!
がっちり しっかり Firmly, steadfastly,
憎い米英 やっつける Defeat the hated Britain and America!

응증전사
증응에 나가신
우리 아버지 만세
우리 형님 만세
참말노 기쁜 증응
[[작고]] 만히보내라
다가치 힘을 합하야
[[원수]]에미국 을때려부시라

[Translation of accompanying explanatory text]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) October 7, 1944
“Wall Newspaper Praising Labor Conscripts”

The labor conscripts advance. Believing that it is an honor second only to that of a soldier, the labor conscripts hurry to factories and mines. Their fathers, mothers, and children who see them off cry out energetically, “Do your best! We will take care of the rest!”

The League of Mobilization in Korea distributed this scene throughout all of Korea in order to boost morale on the home front. [Photo: Wall Newspaper]

[Transcription of accompanying explanatory text]

京城日報 1944年10月7日
応徴士讃う壁新聞

応徴士は進む。兵隊さんに次ぐ名誉だと応徴士は工場に鉱山に急いでいる。送る父や母や子供は元気で”頑張れ、あとは引受けた”と力強く叫ぶ。国民総力聯盟はこの風景を全鮮に配布して銃後の士気を昂揚した。【写真＝壁新聞】

See also:

• Koreans tried to bribe their way out of Imperial Japan’s forced labor conscription, but patriotic student informants turned them in (June 1945) (link)
• Terrified by rumors of forced labor conscription under the Imperial Army, young Korean women rushed into marriages to escape, prompting officials to hold April 1944 press conference to deny and deflect (link)
• In 1944, Imperial Japan launched an “all-out campaign” to erase Hangul from public life, mobilizing teachers and Korean youth to destroy Korean signs, books, and even phonograph records (link)
• Previous post about the bilingual poster based on blurry microfiche copies (link)

Credit to u/wiseau7 for providing the Korean transcription of this song.

Terrified by rumors of forced labor conscription under the Imperial Army, young Korean women rushed into marriages to escape, prompting officials to hold April 1944 press conference to deny and deflect

This is a 1944 article featuring a damage-control press conference held by Imperial Japanese authorities to publicly address growing panic among Koreans over rumors of an impending forced labor conscription of young unmarried women. Panicked Korean women had reportedly rushed into marriages to avoid being drafted for compulsory labor service with the Imperial Army or Navy under the White Paper Conscription system. The situation apparently became so alarming that the regime felt compelled to hold this press conference to explicitly declare, “There is no female conscription.”

Original Caption: Political Affairs Chief Tanaka speaking with reporters

The rush into marriage seems to suggest a level of desperation and fear that goes way beyond a mere reluctance to work. Why were so many young women so terrified of labor conscription with the Imperial Japanese military that they chose marriage as their only escape? Perhaps they already knew of the grim dangers of forced labor under Imperial Japanese military control: sexual abuse and violence. 

Under the White Paper Conscription system, white paper summons (hakushi, 白紙) were issued to men ordering them to report for “patriotic training” at factories, farms, or construction sites under Imperial Army or Navy command. In reality, however, these so-called training mobilizations functioned as compulsory labor deployments-once a white paper arrived, there was virtually no way to refuse.

Interestingly, the same press conference also touched on another controversy then roiling Korean society: the demotion of a Korean colonial official, Mr. Karasukawa Kyōgen (a.k.a. Jong Gyo-won, 정교원, 鄭僑源), from a high-ranking executive post to a county magistrate. Many saw this as blatant ethnic discrimination by the Japanese authorities. Others, however, despised him as a collaborator. Indeed, he was later arrested as a national traitor after liberation.

TL;DR: Many Korean women were desperately rushing into marriages to avoid forced labor conscription with the Imperial Japanese military, which caused a public outcry and forced Imperial authorities to hold a press conference to explicitly deny that women would be forcibly conscripted.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 6, 1944

Outrageous! Marriage to Evade Labor Conscription

“Hey!” As usual, with his cheerful face, Political Affairs Chief Tanaka appeared in the reception room. It was 11 a.m. on April 5th, his first press meeting after returning from the Assembly. “I have something I would like to speak about today,” the Chief began in a bright tone.

[Photo: Political Affairs Chief Tanaka speaking with reporters]

Political Affairs Chief Tanaka Speaks to the Press

“With regard to general labor conscription, there have been rumors that women will also be conscripted, and it seems that, because of this, there has suddenly been an increase in the number of women marrying to evade conscription. This is unacceptable. There is no such thing as labor conscription for women.

“If it is a proper and genuine marriage, that is a happy thing, of course. But to rush into marriage merely to avoid labor conscription is unbecoming in the current national situation. While men are fighting bravely on the battlefront, it is the women who must naturally take their place and protect the home front. The notion of marrying because of unwillingness to work must be completely rejected. In Tokyo and elsewhere, daughters of respectable families are already actively taking up work.”

Although women are not subject to compulsory labor, Tanaka emphasized that women should voluntarily step forward to work. Then the conversation shifted as he began criticizing bad habits in Korea, giving concrete examples.

“In Korea, there has long been a bad habit of speaking ill of others when they are doing well,” he said. “Recently, when Mr. Karasukawa Kyōgen (a.k.a. Jong Gyo-won, 정교원, 鄭僑源) from the Agricultural Land Development Corporation was appointed as county magistrate, there were immediately people who began to slander him.

“Mr. Karasukawa is not merely an executive in name, but a hands-on leader. Burning with the desire to reform administration at the grassroots level, he had long wanted to serve as a county magistrate. When the Government-General confirmed his determination, we found it to be firm and resolute, and so he was appointed to the post. There are many similar cases like this in mainland Japan, and even the township (myeon) leaders in Korea have carried out grassroots administration reform as well.”

“Yet some people say things like, ‘See? Even Mr. Karasukawa has been demoted from an executive to a county magistrate,’ as though he had been treated poorly. Some even personally attack him. But the idea that he was dismissed because he is Korean is utterly false. We, for our part, look forward to the fine work that County Magistrate Karasukawa will do.”

Amid this very informal conversation, the Political Affairs Chief called upon all 25 million residents of the Korean peninsula to engage in self-reflection.

Finally, turning once again to another topic, he expressed satisfaction in discussing the South Pyongan Industrial Expansion Promotion Association, which has become a major driving force in strengthening war production, and spoke proudly of the united effort of the military, government, and civilians in South Pyongan Province that he hoped to extend throughout all of Korea.

Afterward, just past noon, the Chief disappeared into the adjoining office.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年4月6日

以っての外だ
徴用逃れの結婚とは

”やあー”と、例によって元気な顔で田中政務総監は応接室に現れた。五日午前十一時、議会から帰って初の記者団との会見である。『きょうはこちらから話したいことがある』と総監は朗らかに語りはじめた。【写真＝記者団と語る田中総監】

田中政務総監：記者団に語る

一般徴用に関聯して、女子に徴用があるという噂によって徴用をまぬかれようと急に結婚が増えだしたということだが、これはいけない。女子に徴用はないのである。正当な結婚であればおめでたいことだが、徴用を免れんがために結婚を急ぐということは時局下よろしくないことだ。男子は戦線で奮闘しているとき、当然男に代って銃後を護るべき女子が、働くのがいやだから結婚する、などという考えは絶対に排撃しなければならぬ。東京などでは既に相当な家庭の子女がどしどし働いている。

徴用はされずとも女子自ら進んで働くことを促す監督であった。話題は一転し朝鮮の悪癖を衝き実例を挙げて語り出す。

朝鮮には昔から、他人がよくなると悪く言う、という悪い癖がある。最近も農地開発営団の烏川僑源君が郡守に出たら、早速これを悪くいう者がある。烏川君は平重役ではなく実務をもった重役だが、本人は末端行政の改革をやってみたい思念に燃え、かねて郡守でもやりたいと思っていたのである。総督府でも本人の決意の程をたしかめたところ、牢固たる信念が判ったので今度出てもらったわけである。内地でもこんな例は沢山あり、朝鮮の面長でも実行したのである。ところが『それみよ、烏川君も重役から郡守に出された』などといかにも冷遇したかの如くいう者がある。また烏川君の個人攻撃をやる者もあるが、朝鮮人であるが故に退けたなどということは全くなく、我々としては今後烏川郡守の活躍に期待しているのである。

非常にくだけた話の中に、総監は半島二千五百万民衆の反省を求めるのである。ここで話題は再び転じ、戦力増強に大きな推進力となっている平南生拡推進会の問題にふれ、平南の軍官民一体の総力態勢を全鮮的に押し拡げようと満足気に語り、総監は正午過ぎ隣の総監室に姿を消した。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive 

See also: 

• Koreans tried to bribe their way out of Imperial Japan’s forced labor conscription, but patriotic student informants turned them in (June 1945) (link)

Koreans tried to bribe their way out of Imperial Japan’s forced labor conscription, but patriotic student informants turned them in (June 1945)

During the final phase of Imperial Japan’s rule over Korea, conscription orders came printed on different colors of paper, each color denoting a different type of mobilization. Red (akagami, 赤紙) and pink (kōgami, 紅紙) summonses were for active military service, while blue (aogami, 青紙) papers called civilians to short-term homeland defense duties, such as air-raid response. White (hakushi, 白紙) papers, however, were used for “educational conscription” (教育召集), “training mobilization” (演習召集), and “roll-call inspections” (簡閲点呼). Both the Army and Navy could issue white-paper summonses, which often sent young Korean men to factories, farms, and construction sites under the guise of patriotic training. In practice, this became a form of compulsory labor, with almost no way to refuse once a summons arrived.

This post focuses on the white-paper conscription system and why many Koreans experienced it as forced labor. As wartime shortages deepened, evasion became nearly impossible, and some resorted to bribing local officials to escape service. The articles, translated below from the Keijō Nippo newspaper published in February and June 1945, reveal both the desperation and the risks.

The February 1945 report describes a wide-scale bribery scandal in which over a hundred people paid bribes to more than twenty ward-office employees in Seoul to avoid being conscripted, only to be caught and threatened with "severe punishment." The June 1945 story is more personal: it recounts how one man, Urushibara, pleaded for exemption, citing the hardship his absence would cause his family. When that failed, he tried to obtain leniency from his neighborhood cell leader by bribing him with food and drink, but they were exposed by a mobilized student, Yang Ryang (양량, 梁亮), celebrated in the article as a model patriotic Korean youth.

A related news story from the same period told of another conscript who had no choice but to leave his wife and children behind for labor duty, forcing his family into poverty until a sympathetic police officer stepped in to care for them. Together, these stories illustrate how devastating such labor summonses were for Korean households, and how difficult it was to receive exemptions or deferments for them.

TL;DR: Imperial forced labor summons were very hard for Korean men to evade. If you tried bribing your way out, you ran the risk of getting caught by informants turning you in. 

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) February 9, 1945
What Is This? Evading Labor Conscription by Bribery
Corruption of Government Officials: Both Parties to Be Severely Punished

On February 8th, Prosecutor Shizunaga of the Economic Division of the Seoul District Public Prosecutor’s Office met with reporters and commented on the corruption case involving employees of the Labor Sections of the Jung Ward and Jongno Ward offices of Seoul. He ordered those involved in conscription and candidate selection matters to pay attention, and warned that hereafter those who attempt to evade labor conscription will be met with severe punishment. His remarks are as follows:

"There has never been a time as today when the responsibility of government officials is so highly emphasized. In that sense, the corruption case involving the Labor Section employees of Jung Ward and Jongno Ward is very regrettable and should not be regarded merely as a small incident. This matter is currently being handled by the provincial police department. I do not know the detailed figures, but there are over twenty persons on the bribe-taking side and over one hundred persons who paid bribes.

Why is it that Korean youth and their parents, who respond to military conscription with joy and eagerness, on the other hand detest labor conscription? Of course, the principal reason must be a lack of understanding about labor conscription, but might not the cause also lie in the existence of loopholes such as those revealed by this corruption case? That seems to allow some of the lower-level government officials to further enable the bad attitude of evading labor conscription.

I am by no means pessimistic about labor mobilization on the Korean peninsula. I believe that people are responding more readily than might be supposed. If hereafter the public understanding of the value of labor and the measures to support labor improve, still better results should be achieved. In that context, the fact that some negligent lower-level government officials exist and exert harmful influence is, I believe, a grave problem for the completion of the sacred task of strengthening our war potential. From this standpoint, I intend to take a stern stance toward such incidents.

Furthermore, the general public must properly recognize labor conscription and should take the lead in responding to this honorable mobilization. If anyone attempts henceforth to evade labor conscription by various means, the policy will be to arrest and prosecute them without mercy."

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) June 27, 1945
Conquering Labor Conscription Evasion

There has been an admirable and upright act in which a mobilized student, rising resolutely to dedicate himself and fight courageously in his field of duty, splendidly conquered the tendency to evade labor conscription.

Yang Ryang (양량, 梁亮), a 22-year-old third-year student at the Takushoku College of Economics (present-day Korea University), has since the end of March been mobilized to serve in the Labor Section of the Seongdong Ward Office. Without a single day of absence, he has fought courageously day after day. On June 22nd, when he issued a labor conscription order to one Urushibara Tokuhō of Sageun-dong within his jurisdiction, Urushibara pleaded the hardship of his family’s livelihood and refused to accept the order. Yang, explaining patiently, sought to rescue him from the sin that springs from ignorance, by earnestly preaching the national demand and honorable nature of labor conscription.

However, despite the pure sincerity and kindness of this young student Yang, Urushibara tried to go into hiding in an attempt to evade labor conscription. Yang then went to visit Urushibara's patriotic group (neighborhood cell) leader, Kang Sun-bong (강선봉, 康先奉), to seek his cooperation regarding Urushibara. Before long, however, the two—Urushibara and Kang—secretly conspired. Urushibara arranged a drinking party, and tried to bargain for an exemption by treating Kang to food and liquor.

Enraged by the shamelessness of these two men, Yang resolutely rejected their shameful behavior and, with the fervor of one spitting fire, admonished them, saying that their actions were doubly and triply unforgivable, unpatriotic conduct. Unable to endure the reproach of their own consciences, the two were moved to tears, repented all their past wrongdoing, and swore to devote themselves courageously as honorable men answering the call of labor conscription.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年2月9日
何事ぞ、贈賄で徴用逃れ
官公吏の涜職：両者とも断乎厳罰

京城地方法院検事局経済係静永検事は八日記者団と会見。京城府中区鐘路区両区役所勤労課職員の涜職事件に言及つぎの如く：徴用銓衡関係者の注意を喚起すると同時に以後徴用を忌避する者に対しては厳罰をもって臨むと警告した。

今日ほど官公吏の責任が重要視されるときはない。その意味で中区、鐘路区勤労課職員の涜職事件は非常に遺憾なことで単に一小事件としてみるべきではないと思う。この事件はいま道警察部が行っていて詳細な数字は知らないが、収賄側が二十余名、贈賄した者は百名余である。

徴兵に対しては喜び勇んで応ずる半島青年層およびその親達がこれと反対に徴用を忌み嫌うのはどういう理由に基くか。勿論徴用に対する認識の乏しさから来るのが大一に挙げられるべき点だが、涜職事件で現れたようにこうした抜け道があるところにもその原因が潜んではいないか。これでは一部の末端官公吏が徴用忌避の悪い精神を更に助長さすようなものだ。

私は半島の労務動員に対して決して悲観視しない。みなが案外素直に応じているものと思う。これから勤労観の認識と勤労援護がよくなればもっと好成績をみせるだろう。このとき一部不心得の末端官公吏がいて悪影響を及ぼすことは戦力増強聖戦完遂上に由由しき問題だと思う。この観点からこういう事件に対しては峻厳な態度で臨むつもりだ。
また一般も徴用をよく認識して率先光栄ある動員に応じなければならない。なお以後徴用を忌避して種々手段を弄する事があれば、容赦なく検挙する方針だ。

京城日報 1945年6月27日
徴用忌避を征服

蹶然と立ち上って職域に挺身敢闘する勤労動員学徒が徴用忌避を見事に征服した頼もしい廉潔行為がある。拓殖経済専門学校三年生梁亮君（二二）は三月末から城東区役所勤労課に動員学徒として一日の欠勤もせず、連日敢闘しているが、二十二日管内沙斤町漆原徳奉に徴用令書を交付したところ、漆原は家族の生活困難を愬え、受理を拒絶するので、梁君は徴用の国家的要請と名誉たる所以を諄々と説き、無智なるが故の罪から救い上げようとした。

若き学徒、梁君のこの純真な厚意と親切にも拘わらず漆原は姿を晦まして徴用の忌避を企てようとするので、梁君は班長康先奉さんを訪れ、漆原の協力方を求めたところ、何時の間にか二人は相謀って酒の席を設け、饗応をもって免除を交渉してきた。恥を知らない二人のあさましい行為に憤激した梁君は断乎とこれを拒絶し、二人の行為は二重三重に許すべからざる非国民的行為であると火を吐くが如き純情をこめて説諭。二人も良心の苛責に堪えず感涙に咽びながら過去の一切の非を改め、誉れの応徴士として挺身敢闘を誓った。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive 

See also: 

• Bilingual Japanese-Korean wartime propaganda poster celebrating "White Paper Conscription" (October 7, 1944) (link)
• ‘Selfless’ Imperial Japanese policeman visits pregnant Korean mother daily and delivers her baby after forcing her husband into Imperial war service: a 1945 ‘heartwarming’ propaganda tale (link)

  

Imperial officials fanned out across rural Korea visiting townships one by one to indoctrinate villagers in Imperialist ideology in ‘Grassroots Penetration’ Campaign (March 1944)

For this post, I am examining two wartime propaganda articles to explore the hierarchical administrative structure that Imperial Japan used to forcibly and systematically indoctrinate all of Korea into becoming Japanese. During the final years of Imperial Japanese colonial rule over Korea, the Governor-General’s Office in Seoul frequently invoked the slogan “末端滲透” (mattan shintō)—“grassroots penetration.” This was not only about exerting the central government's authority in rural areas, but also about ideologically cleansing the countryside, where ordinary Korean villagers were still largely hostile to Imperial Japanese ideology and refused to identify as loyal “imperial subjects.”

To address this perceived shortcoming, the colonial government launched a coordinated campaign to send officials from Seoul out into the countryside to personally embed themselves in township (myeon, 面) offices. These officials were following the example of Governor-General Koiso, who made a spectacle of traveling to rural areas and holding face-to-face meetings with local officials in his much-publicized inspection tours of rural Korea.

The officials would travel to remote townships, live for several days inside the township office, and work alongside the local myeon leader and staff. They were there not only to provide “administrative guidance,” but to indoctrinate the township leaders with wartime ideology: mandatory Shinto religious observance, pushing for agricultural overproduction, enforcing conscription, and encouraging compulsory savings (see 1944 article below). During the inspection tours, Koiso asked the local myeon (township) leader in Gapyeong whether he had been conducting “rensei” (錬成, “training”), which was a euphemism for ideological indoctrination: compulsory bowing toward the Imperial Palace every morning, mandatory visits to Shinto shrines, adoption of Japanese language, Shinto purification rituals like misogi, and other practices intended to transform Koreans into loyal imperial subjects. 

From there, the expectation was that the indoctrinated myeon leader would spread these same ideas down the chain—to hamlet (ri) leaders within the township, who would then indoctrinate their own village residents (see 1943 article below). In theory, this trickle-down approach could have transformed the Korean countryside into a loyal outpost of Imperial Japan, but it did not work that way. The Japanese authorities underestimated the resilience of Korean national identity, language, and cultural autonomy. 

The indoctrinated myeon leader would have also been trained by the Seoul officials into techniques to persuade villagers into providing as much grain as possible to the Imperial Army. This 1944 article illustrates how the myeon leader may have overseen some horrific scenes of hardship and starvation as local farmers worked day and night, even cutting into their own personal grain supplies to meet the ambitious quotas imposed by the Imperial Army.

The colonial regime had mechanisms in place to try to ensure ideological compliance even after central officials left. Governor Koiso encouraged hamlet leaders to bypass the township chief and report directly to higher authorities like the county leader or police chief if they believed their myeon leader was not sufficiently loyal. This created a culture of surveillance and snitching, ensuring that everyone—from the top down—was watching each other for signs of ideological weakness. This was what “grassroots penetration” meant in practice: an oppressive system of top-down ideological enforcement, staged in the name of unity with Imperial Japan.

TL;DR: In 1943–44, Governor-General Koiso launched a top-down “grassroots penetration” (末端浸透) campaign of indoctrinating the Korean people in wartime Imperialist ideology and boost agricultural production. Seoul officials would tour the entire country and visit each township for a few days at a time to indoctrinate the township leaders, the township leaders would visit each hamlet to indoctrinate the hamlet leaders, and finally the hamlet leaders would indoctrinate the villagers.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) March 4, 1944

Devoted Service Deep in the Mountains
Bureau of Rural Affairs Chiefs Carry Out Grassroots Administration

The grassroots penetration of government administration, such as the delivery of agricultural products and other goods, encouragement of savings, and conscription procedures, is becoming increasingly important. Governor-General Koiso has continued to emphasize this at every opportunity.

In response, the Bureau of Local Affairs of the Government-General has dispatched a team of approximately ten staff members, including Chief Ōkubo, Administrative Officer Murakami, and Director Tanaka. Beginning on February 7, 1944, they embarked on a direct field survey of the realities of rural administration.

This initiative is not a conventional inspection or mere investigation. Rather, the officials are residing and working at township (myeon) offices, quietly carrying out duties themselves. By leading through action rather than words, they are teaching myeon officials administrative tasks and working to deepen their awareness of the wartime situation.

For instance, two days after leaving Sinuiju, Director Tanaka has already gone to the myeon office in Oksang-myeon (옥상면, 玉尚面), Uiju County, located thirty ri (approximately 12 kilometers) into the mountains of Uiju in North Pyongan Province. He stayed at the myeon office for one week, personally taking on the tasks of the myeon chief and clerks, cutting ration tickets, and leading by example in guiding the staff at the myeon office, all while closely observing actual conditions.

Administrative Officer Murakami is currently deployed to Ongjin County in Hwanghae Province, and other personnel are likewise active in Bocheon-myeon (보천면, 普天面) in South Hamgyeong Province, and Seosan County in South Chungcheong Province.

Chief Ōkubo will soon make an official visit as well, but in Seosan County, there is even a report that local villagers, moved by seeing central government officials taking the initiative to shovel snow, offered a small token of appreciation in gratitude.

In mountain villages where central government officials had never previously set foot, both myeon office staff and local residents have been greatly moved. Their recognition of the wartime situation has deepened significantly, and the campaign is yielding considerable positive results.

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) October 13, 1943

Governance that “Lives Together with the Residents”

Government-General Studies Permanent Residency of Township Staff in Hamlets
Reform of Grassroots Administrative Structure

With the establishment of new food departments in each province, the intensification of production, labor reinforcement measures, and institutions such as the Korea Research Institute, the decisive war structure of the embattled Korean Peninsula is moving forward ever more aggressively on all fronts. Governor-General Koiso’s vision is becoming increasingly sharpened and concrete. All twenty-five million people of the Korean peninsula are hastening to their respective positions on the battlefront of production as vanguard warriors.

However, unless these policies penetrate thoroughly into the very grassroots, their effectiveness will be incomplete. Governor-General Koiso has repeatedly emphasized this point. At a time when this necessity is becoming ever more pressing, the Government-General is responding by initiating reforms of the grassroots administrative machinery, and under the direction of Chief of Civil Affairs Tanaka, is undertaking a careful study.

Specifically, this refers to the organizational reform of township (myeon) offices. At the core of this reform is the idea previously expressed by the Chief of Civil Affairs: “Permanent residency of myeon officials in hamlets.”

That is, mid-level myeon officials would be assigned to hamlets—one or two officials per hamlets—where they would reside, dive into the hearts of the farming communities, and conduct administrative duties. They would share in the daily life of the villagers, morning and evening, while providing guidance and encouragement in all areas such as food production increases, food contributions, food storage, and resource collection. This system aims to reinforce the penetration of administrative functions to the grassroots level.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年3月4日
山奥に挺身執務
府地方課長ら末端行政

農作物その他の供出、貯蓄奨励、徴兵事務など行政の末端滲透は益益重要となっており、小磯総督も機会ある度に強調しているが、総督府地方課は大久保課長、村上事務官、田中理事官以下約十名の職員が出動し去る二月七日から地方行政の実態調査に乗り出しているが、之は従来の査察とか、単なる調査ではなく、職員が面事務所で起居し自ら黙々と執務し、口先きのみでなく身をもって面職員に事務を教え、或は時局認識の徹底を図っているもので、既に田中理事官は新義州から二日間、義州から三十里の山奥である平北道義州郡玉尚面の面事務所に約一週間泊り込み、面長の仕事、書記の事務を執ったり配給票を切ったり、率先して面職員を指導する傍ら実態を調査しており、村上事務官も目下黄海道甕津郡に出動しており、その他の職員は咸南道普天面や忠南道瑞山郡等にも出動中で、近く大久保課長も出張するが、瑞山郡では本府職員が率先して雪かきを行っているのを部落民が見て若干の謝礼金をだしたという事実もあり、かつて本府職員が行ったこともない山奥の面では、面職員をはじめ部落民が非常に感激し時局の認識も深め多大の効果を挙げつつある。

京城日報 1943年10月13日
住民と共に生きる政治
本府面職員の部落常駐を研究
末端行政機構改革

各道食糧部の新設、生産増強、労務強化対策、朝鮮研究所等々戦う半島の決戦体制は各面に亘り愈々強行進軍を開始し小磯理念は益々鋭く具体化しており、二千五百万の半島民衆は生産戦の尖兵として一人残らず戦闘配置に急いでいるが、これらの施策が更に徹底的に末端へ滲透しなければならぬことは小磯総督が幾度か強調したことであり、その要は加速度的に重要化しているとき総督府ではこれに対応し末端行政機構の改革に着手。田中政務総監の手もとで慎重に検討している。
即ち面事務所の機構改革がそれであるが、これはかつて政務総監が語った『面職員の部落常駐』がその骨子となっているもので、面の中堅職員が一部落に一、二人が居を構え農民の懐ろに飛び込んで事務を執り朝、夕起居を共にし、食糧の増産に供出に貯蓄に資源回収にと凡ゆる面に亘り指導督励に当らんとするものであり、これにより行政の末端滲透を強化せんとするものである。

Source: Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive 

See also:

• Koiso’s 1943 ‘Great Leader’ Strongman Tours: Surprise village inspections to intimidate local leaders and impose Japanese language and culture all over the Korean countryside (link)

• Korean rice farmers barely survived eating grass roots as they worked tirelessly to meet the rice quotas imposed by the Imperial Army in 1944, even sacrificing their own personal rice supplies to face starvation under pressure from the police inspector and the township chief (link)

Koiso’s 1943 Strongman Tours: Surprise village inspections to intimidate local leaders and impose Japanese language and culture all over the Korean countryside

Ever since Imperial Japan annexed Korea in 1910, subduing the countryside proved to be one of the most difficult tasks. The Imperial Japanese central government in Seoul struggled to exert control over traditional rural communities, which remained bastions of Korean language, culture, and identity. Imposing Japanese language, culture, and ideology on these far-flung regions was a daunting challenge.

Original Caption: Governor-General Koiso gets into a truck at Gapyeong Mine

By 1942, Governor-General Koiso Kuniaki (1942–1944) sought to accomplish what his predecessors had failed to do: win the “hearts and minds” of Korean villagers and persuade them to accept Japanese rule, abandon Korean culture, and adopt Japanese language and Shinto practices.

In the February 1943 inspection tour, Koiso asked the local myeon (township) chief in Gapyeong whether he had been conducting “rensei” (錬成, “training”). This was not mere vocational training. Rensei was a euphemism for ideological indoctrination: compulsory bowing toward the Imperial Palace every morning, mandatory visits to Shinto shrines, adoption of Japanese language, Shinto purification rituals like misogi, and other practices intended to transform Koreans into loyal imperial subjects. The myeon chief—often a local villager chosen for his charisma and leadership—was expected to shepherd his people into these unpopular and humiliating activities.

In the October 1943 inspection tour, Koiso makes a surprise visit to a random hamlet in a rural part of Southeastern Korea. He startles the Korean hamlet leader, named Mr. Toriyama, and peppers him for 40 minutes with questions about cotton production and food preservation. Koiso encourages to report to the myeon leader, county leader, provincial leader, or even to him personally if there is "anything troubling". Mr. Toriyama is described as being overcome with emotion as he struggles to find words.

The surprise nature of these visits conveys the following ominous message to the Korean people: We are watching you, and you better be at your best behavior, because you won't know when we will be paying you a visit.

The format of these inspection tours will feel familiar to anyone who follows North Korea today: the “Great Leader” style of visiting factories, farms, and villages, giving advice, and presenting himself as the wise teacher and commander. In the 1943 article, Koiso is portrayed arriving in remote villages, inspecting workplaces, lecturing officials and workers on everything from farming to mining, and dispensing “guidance” in a paternalistic tone.

The key concept repeated in these articles and throughout the news coverage in this period is 末端行政 (mattan gyōsei), meaning “grassroots administration.” By 1943, the colonial regime recognized that real control had to be enforced at the lowest levels—hamlets and townships. So, they began reinforcing staffing at this level and making more inspection tours to make its presence felt more palpably in everyday life. For rural Koreans, this must have felt like the government was constantly breathing down their necks, pressuring them to abandon their culture and conform to Imperial rule.

TLDR: Imperial Japan conducted surprise "Great Leader" inspections all over Korea to keep Koreans on their tiptoes in a state of fear, even at the grassroot level. Governor-General Koiso fashioned himself as a hands-on, fatherly strongman who gave “guidance” on everything from farming to mining.

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) February 26, 1943

“Harmony between the township and the police”
Governor-General preaches local administration in Oeseo-myeon

The Governor-General rode a truck into the mountains for an inspection. This was no idle outing. Wherever war-related material is being produced, he ventures even into the remote mountains to comfort and encourage the industrial warriors, determined to contribute even a little to strengthening the war effort. We must recognize both Governor-General Koiso’s firm resolve and the gravity of the war situation that brought it about. Fierce battles are being waged here too.

This was the Governor-General’s frontline command, his angry determination to annihilate the U.S. and Britain exploding as he ventured into the first line of defense of the home front. On his shabby work desk, the medal ribbons that tell of many military achievements shone brightly. On February 25th, Governor-General Koiso, accompanied by Governor Seto of Gyeonggi Province and Secretary Kobayashi, left his official residence at 9:30 a.m. and headed for Asano Cement’s asbestos mine in Gapyeong-gun, Seorak-myeon.

Before the Cheongpyeong Dam of the former Han River Hydropower was built, the river could not be crossed, so remote was this mountainous region that even the county governor had never once set foot there.

At 11:00 a.m. the Governor-General arrived at the Seorak-myeon office. He was welcomed by the governor of Hansan-gun and Police Chief Mr. Kuwana, entered the office, received a report on local conditions, and gave instructions to township (myeon) staff.

He asked in a friendly tone, “Well now, myeon leader, are you conducting training?” The Governor-General explained the essence of training in plain language: “For agricultural production, the landlords must work diligently. Since the myeon is the grassroots of administration that directly touches the masses, you must work thoroughly. To do that, you must put yourself in the place of those you govern and carefully look after them.”

After 11:00 a.m. he changed vehicles and boarded a truck. Sitting heavily beside the driver, he stared intently ahead. What was he thinking? Perhaps in his heart he was saying: “Warriors who sacrificed themselves at Kwajalein and Roi-Namur, rest in peace. The home front, burning with anger for vengeance, is rising.”

At 12:30 p.m. he arrived at the Gapyeong Mine office. He immediately heard a summary of the mine from Director Shōji of Asano Cement, then a detailed explanation of the current situation from Director Taniguchi. As usual, he asked questions about management and labor administration. He entered the mine tunnel, addressed the workers: “Men, do your best!” and encouraged them. Afterwards, he inspected workers’ housing and cautioned management to “study labor issues more thoroughly.”

Once again he descended the mountain by truck. At 3:50 p.m. he arrived at Cheongpyeong Power Plant, listened to explanations, and at 4:30 p.m. inspected the Government Fish Hatchery at Cheongpyeong. At 5:00 p.m. he entered the Oeseo-myeon (외서면, 外西面) office, received a report on local conditions, and gave instructions to township (myeon) staff and police officers.

A major defect of administration in Korea is that grassroots governance has not fully penetrated. No matter how hard Koiso strives, no matter how much the governor studies, it is useless unless the township (myeon) officials, who directly contact the people, do their work properly. The township and the police must cooperate in harmony.

Thus ended the third day of encouragement and inspection. He returned to the residence at 7:30 p.m.

Photo: Governor-General Koiso gets into a truck at Gapyeong Mine

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) October 29, 1943

“Tell Me Anything”: A Paternal Concern for Grassroots Administration
Governor-General Koiso’s Lightning Inspection of a Rural Village

Reported by Special Correspondent Sakamoto from Masan

Not long after leaving Samcheonpo, Governor-General Koiso’s car once again came to a stop. Because the schedule for this inspection tour was deliberately kept secret, the car often halted at unexpected places. This time it was at Yeha (예하, 禮下), a model hamlet in Jeonchon Township, Jinyang County (진양, 晉陽). Guided by County Governor Takashima and Hamlet Federation Chairman Toriyama, the Governor-General entered the hamlet office. He then listened for about forty minutes as Chairman Toriyama explained the hardships and efforts behind the hamlet’s construction and management.

As befitting a model hamlet, facilities such as a communal bathhouse and a daycare center were in place. Standing with Chairman Toriyama on a rice-paddy path, Governor-General Koiso remarked:

“The cotton seems to be growing very well, but are you not planting too much of it? It is not that cotton is unnecessary, but right now food is more important. Even if cotton must be reduced, food must be secured. How many bolls does one stalk bear?”

He engaged Chairman Toriyama in a detailed, technically informed conversation. Then he shifted the subject to ask closely about the state of material distribution.

“Is there anything troubling you? Feel free to tell me even when the Governor or the Chief of Police are present. If you have any requests, speak directly to me,”

he said with heartfelt sincerity. Deeply moved, Toriyama’s face flushed, and he struggled to find words.

The Governor-General continued:

“From now on, I want you to be the central figure in your hamlet and build it into the finest model hamlet in all of Korea. If there is something you cannot handle alone, consult with your township (myeon) leader. If the myeon leader cannot manage it, then go to the county governor or even the provincial governor. And if even then there is some matter unresolved, do not hesitate—consult with me directly.”

To Governor-General Koiso, who ceaselessly strove for administrative penetration to the very grassroots, the heartfelt zeal of an obscure Hamlet Federation Chairman for village management must have been truly gratifying. Chairman Toriyama was overcome with emotion.

The Governor-General pressed further:

“Do you grow potatoes?”
“Yes, we do.”
“And how do you store them?”
“We build a rack in our home’s ondol (heated floor system) and pile them there.”
“That risks rotting, does it not? Is there not a way to store them in greater quantity and for longer periods?”
“We have a communal storage facility just ahead.”
“I see. Then let me have a look.”

With a gentle gaze meeting the moist eyes of the moved Chairman Toriyama, the Governor-General returned to his car. His conviction remained firm: the farmers were dependable, the farmers were the soundest element of society. In this place too, that conviction was scarcely betrayed. Thinking constantly of food production increases and never allowing himself a moment’s rest, Governor-General Koiso’s car once again sped forward at arrow-like speed.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年2月26日

”面と警察が仲よく”

総督、外西面で末端行政を説く

総督がトラックに乗って山を視察した。これは一片の茶飲み話ではない。戦力物資の生産が行われるところ、どのような山奥にでも出かけて行って、産業戦士を慰問激励少しでも戦力の増強に資しようという小磯総督の固い決意と、総督にこのような決意を起させた戦局の重大性を認識せねばならない。激戦は此処にも展開されているのだ。

銃後の第一線に米英撃滅の怒りを爆発させに出かける総督の陣頭指揮だ。数々の勲功を語る略綬がみすぼらしい運営台に燦と輝いている。二十五日、小磯総督は瀬戸京畿道知事、小林秘書官を帯同して午前九時三十分官邸発、加平郡雪岳面の浅野セメント加平石綿鉱山に向った。

旧漢江水電の清平ダムが出来るまでは河を渡れなかったので、この地方には郡守にも遂に一度も足を踏み入れずに過ごした者があったほどの山奥である。

十一時雪岳面事務所着。韓山郡守と桑名警察署長の出迎えを受けて事務所に入り、管内情況の報告を受け面吏員に訓示を行った。

『どうかな面長さん、錬成やっとるかい』といった。ざっくばらんな調子である。総督は錬成の本質を説き、『農業生産には地主さんというものがよく働いてもらわねばならぬ。面は大衆に接する行政の末端であるから、しっかりやってもらいたい。それには治められる者の身になってよく人々の世話をすることだ』と易々しく説明する。

十一時過ぎ車を替えてトラックに乗る。総督は運転手の横にドッカと坐って前方を睨む。何を見つめているのだろう。恐らく心ではこう云っていたであろう。

『クエゼリン、ルオットに散華せる勇士よ、安らかに眠れ。復仇の怒りに燃える銃後は立ち上がっているぞ』

十二時三十分、加平鉱山事務所着、直ちに浅野セメント荘司理事から山の概略を聞き、更に谷口所長から現況について詳細な説明を聴取した。そのあとで例によって経営、労務管理に対する質問を発する。坑道に入る。労務者に訓示。『諸君しっかりやって下さい』と激励する。そして後に労務者の住宅を見て山を辞したが、『労務者の問題をもっと研究するように』と注意を与える。

再びトラックで山を降って、三時五十分清平発電所着、説明を聞き、四時三十分清平の総督府養魚場を視察。五時外西面事務所に入って管内情況を聴取し、面吏員、警察官を訓示する。

朝鮮に於ける統理の一大欠陥は末端行政が十分に滲透していないことだ。小磯が如何に努力しても、また知事がどんなに勉強しても何にもならないので、大衆に直接接触する面の方々がしっかりやってもらわねばならぬ。面と警察とが仲よくせねばならないのです。

こうして激励と視察の第三日は終わった。七時半帰邸。

【写真＝トラックに乗り込む小磯総督ー加平鉱山にて】

京城日報 1943年10月29日

何でも私に話せ：末端行政に細かい親心
小磯総督農村を電撃視察

【馬山にて坂本特派員】三千浦を出て間もなく小磯総督の自動車がまたとまった。何処を視るのか最初から予定を伏せている視察行だけに時ならぬ所でよく停まる。此処は晋陽郡井村面礼下模範部落だ。高島郡守、鳥山部落聯盟理事長の案内で部落の事務所に入った。鳥山理事長から部落の建設経営苦心談を約四十分に亘って聴取する。

模範部落だけあって共同浴場、託児所などの施設が整っている。田の畔道に小磯総督は鳥山理事長と並んで立った。

『綿花が非常によく出来ているようだが、作付段別が多過ぎはしないかね。綿が不必要というのではないが、それよりも現在は食糧の方がより大切だ。綿を減らしてでも食糧を確保しなければならない。これは一本に幾つ実をつけるかね』と専門的知識を傾けて鳥山理事長と綿々問答。今度は話題を変えて物資の配給状況をこまごまと訊ねる。そして、『何か困っていることはないかね。知事さんや警察部長さんがいても宜いから、希望があったら私に話しなさい』と真情こめて語れば鳥山理事長は感極まったが顔を火照りして言葉をつまらせる。

『今後とも部落の中心人物となって全鮮一の模範部落を作って貰いたい。自分で出来ないことがあったなら面長さんに相談しなさい。面長さんで駄目なら郡守さんでも知事さんでも宜しい。それでも判らない問題があったら遠慮はいらないから私に相談しなさい』と総督はいう。行政の末端滲透を希求して止まない小磯総督にとって名もない一部落聯盟理事長の部落経営に対する熱情はこよなく嬉しかったに違いない。鳥山理事長はただただ感激するばかり。総督は更に話をついで、

『芋は出来るかね』
『出来ます』
『貯蔵の方法は』
『自宅の温突に柵を作ってそこに載せています』
『そんなことでは腐る恐れがあるんじゃないかね。もっと沢山長期に貯蔵出来る方法はないかね』
『部落の共同貯蔵所がこの先にあります』

『そうかね、では見せて貰おう』と感激にうるむ鳥山理事長の眼差しを優しく見返しながら自動車の人となった。農民は宜しい。農民はもっとも健実だという総督の抱懐はここでも殆ど裏切られることがなかったのであろう。食糧増産を念じて心休まる暇とてない小磯総督を乗せて自動車はまたも矢のようなスピードで驀進する。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive 

Imperial Japan called Korean women in chima dresses ‘the most filthy and ugly sight’ and shamed them with posters captioned ‘there are still women like these’ (April 1945)

In April 1945, with Imperial Japan losing the war, Imperial authorities turned their rage inward.

Captioned poster: "There are still women like these" (まだいる、こんな女性が)

Imperial authorities targeted Korean women for wearing traditional chima skirts instead of wartime monpe trousers. The Battle of Iwo Jima had just ended, and Battle of Okinawa was already well underway, so war tensions were very high. These two articles, published in the Keijo Nippo propaganda newspaper in Seoul under Imperial Japanese rule, scolded Korean women as selfish, vain, and unpatriotic, claiming that women in traditional chima dresses were “the most filthy and ugly sight” in the eyes of the public. 

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 21, 1945

You Cannot Protect This Nation Wearing a Chima Dress

What is this? Have you forgotten the enemy air raids, just strolling around idly?
There are still women like this.

◇ …Dragging their long chima hems, letting their skirts flutter in the spring breeze—how the number of high heels strutting through this city at war has grown! The long winter has passed, cherry buds are swelling on the trees, and now, with the arrival of spring, the slackening of wartime tension has begun to creep into people's hearts. Here and there, women can be seen on the streets who have forgotten their monpe workpants.

◇ …Do these women really think that, dressed like that, they can protect themselves from enemy bombings, protect their homes, and protect their cities? These women dragging their long chima hems have children who go off to school wearing gallant monpe and kyahan leg wraps. These women wearing skirts, whose footsteps echo in the streets in high heels, have brothers who are throwing their lives into battle in factories and on the front lines. Surely these women have not forgotten about that?

◇ …And yet, are these women the only ones allowed to dress like this? Even they cannot say that they do not have enough thread to alter a skirt or chima dress into monpe workpants. If they are clinging to outdated lifestyle habits, then those are the habits of a defeated people. If there are any people who believe that chima dresses and skirts symbolize feminine beauty, then they are gravely mistaken. The people walking the streets see their appearance as the most shameful and unsightly thing, and they look upon them with eyes of reproach.

◇ …It may be April, when spring flowers bloom, but right now, as the decisive battle that will determine the fate of the Japanese people begins, we are living in an autumn of resolve, with all 100 million ready to fall like cherry blossoms in a special attack. Skirts and chima dresses not altered into monpe workpants should be stored away with your evacuation clothing. Let us prepare for the enemy planes that may come even tomorrow, and demonstrate the spirit of the Yamato Nadeshiko in monpe workpants that will not hinder our movement. [Photo: Observations from within Seoul on the 20th during defense drills]

Original caption: Observations from within Seoul on the 20th during defense drills

If You Let Your Guard Down, It Will Cost You!

Secretary-General Kurashige of the Patriotic Women’s Association Issues a Warning About Chima Dresses

During the defense drills held on the 20th, the unsightly sight of women in chima drew widespread scorn. Secretary-General Kurashige of the Patriotic Women’s Association’s Korean Headquarters, issued the following call to awaken women regarding proper air defense attire:

“Because the air raids in Osaka temporarily eased, people became completely careless and stopped wearing monpe. The damage caused by the air raids that struck during this lapse was severe. This is a classic example of what happens when there is no mental discipline.

We Korean women must not repeat this mistake. We must begin with the simple act of wearing monpe pants and throw ourselves into a wartime way of life.

I cannot stop urging the women supporting the home front to awaken!”

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年4月21日

チマでは護れぬ
何事ぞ、敵襲忘れてノタリノタリ
まだいる、こんな女性が

◇．．．裾長にチマを引き、春風にスカートをなぶらせて戦う街をゆくハイヒールの何と殖えたことであろうか。永かった冬も去り桜の枝頭もふくらむ春とともに戦う人の心の間隙に喰いこむ緊張のゆるみからモンペを忘れた女性が街々に散見される。

◇．．．いったい貴女はそれで敵の爆撃から身を護り、家を都市を護り抜けると思っているのでしょうか。チマの裾を引いた貴女の子供は巻脚絆にモンペの凛々しい姿で学校へ通っている。スカートにハイヒールの音も高く街を闊歩する貴女の兄さんや弟たちは工場で戦場で生命を投げ出して戦っていることをよもや忘れてる訳ではないでしょう。

◇．．．それなのに貴女だけがその姿でよいのでしょうか。スカートやチマをモンペに直す位の糸がないとはいくら貴女でもいえますまい。もしも生活の習慣に固執されるのだったら、それは敗戦国民の習慣です。万一チマやスカートが女性美を象徴するものだと思ってる人があったら大間違い。街ゆく人々は貴女達の姿を最も穢れた醜いものとして非難の眼で見ているのですぞ。

◇．．．花開く春四月だが、いまや日本民族の興亡を決する大決戦は咲く花とともに桜花と散らん一億特攻の決意に生きる秋なのです。モンペに直さぬチマやスカート類は疎開衣料のなかに入れて、さあ明日にも来る敵機に備え、活動に支障のないモンペ姿に大和撫子の心意気を示そうではありませんか。

【写真＝防衛演習の二十日府内所見】

油断するな
倉茂日婦総長
チマに警告

防衛演習の二十日、見苦しいチマ姿が一般の顰蹙をかった。日婦朝鮮本部倉茂事務総長はこの日婦人の防空服装に次の如く覚醒を促した。

大阪で一時空襲がゆるやかになったため、すっかり油断してモンペを着なくなった。この時に乗じて受けた空襲の被害は大きかったという。これは心のひきしまりがない時の好例だが、われわれ半島女性はこの轍を踏まないように簡単なモンペ着用から始めて戦う生活に奮闘せねばならない。銃後女性の覚醒を促してやまない。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

See Also:

Link 1 (1943 clothing regulations regarding chima dresses): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2022/11/onerous-regulations-prescribing-long.html

Link 2 (1944 police detaining a woman in Hanbok dress): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2024/12/korean-woman-in-hanbok-detained-by.html

Link 3 (1945 propaganda speech forbidding rings and chima dresses at work): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/04/dont-wear-rings-or-chima-dresses-dont.html

Don't wear rings or chima dresses! Don't believe the Allied leaflets! Imperial Japan's desperate attempts to control Koreans by late February 1945

The following two news articles were printed adjacent to each other in the February 22, 1945 issue of Keijo Nippo, the main national newspaper of colonial Korea and the official propaganda organ of the Imperial Japanese colonial regime which ruled Korea with an iron fist from 1905 to 1945. Just a few months away from the end of World War II, the war situation was getting very desperate for Imperial Japan, and it shows in these two articles.

The first article warns Koreans not to believe the Japanese and Korean language messages that were disseminated in Allied leaflets that were dropped over Korea in early 1945. From the language of the warning, you can feel the anger and indignation, the sense of violation that the colonial regime must have felt at the Allies penetrating the information bubble that the regime had so painstakingly maintained to keep the Korean populace in a state of ignorance. Regime officials must have known very well that one of the keys to remaining in power was to carefully control the flow of information to the masses, something that totalitarian governments with their modern censorship regimes today are very keenly aware of. 

The second article admonishes working Korean women for wearing rings on their hands and wearing traditional chima dresses, and reminding them to buy war savings bonds using their meager wages to finance the war effort. This seems to highlight the tone deafness of the regime. In a war situation when improving morale would seem to be the top priority, the regime instead focuses on harassing working women with petty rules that only belittle the colonial subjects and bolster the ego of the rulers.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijō Nippo) February 22, 1945

Enemy Documents Scattered from the Sky
Clever Distortion of Facts Written in Japanese and Korean
By Professor Tozawa (Keijō Imperial University)

Already, the enemy has conducted malicious propaganda by various means and through numerous media. We must anticipate that the enemy, taking advantage of current developments in the war situation which only happen to be favorable for their side for now, will redouble their propaganda efforts by dropping leaflets and similar materials over Korea from aircraft.

The content of such propaganda will, in the end, amount to nothing more than distortions and fabrications of true facts. However, the methods and techniques employed will be highly skillful.

Among the documents dropped by enemy aircraft, there will likely be various types. For example, newspapers written in skillful Japanese or Korean may be scattered. At first glance, these newspapers might appear to report the war situation candidly and to attempt extremely impartial commentary on the course of the war. Thus, people might believe that these are newspapers that faithfully convey the truth. However, in reality, enemy propaganda will be skillfully woven into them.

People who are poorly informed about the situation of the war and domestic and foreign affairs, and whose fighting spirit is lacking, upon reading such materials, might be very likely to mistakenly believe that our side will soon collapse completely both militarily and economically, and that the enemy side will achieve complete victory.

In this manner, the enemy seeks to demoralize our fighting spirit and to cast us into a situation as miserable, if not more miserable, than that of the Italians, who, after begging for peace from the anti-Axis forces, ended up suffering unbearable hardship.

Furthermore, the enemy will seek to create a rift between the government and military of our country and the general populace. They will downplay the inseparable interests binding Japan and Korea and make many false promises to Koreans in a convincing manner, thereby attempting to divide the Japanese and Koreans and to bring about internal collapse of our nation.

Moreover, there are recent instances where the enemy, clearly aware that they were dealing with Koreans, dared to treat them with extreme cruelty. In addition, it is a well-known fact among knowledgeable Koreans that Americans and British have traditionally harbored deep contempt for Koreans.

It is also conceivable that the enemy will forge newspapers or magazines trusted by civilians in our country, skillfully insert propaganda into them, and scatter them. Alternatively, they might fabricate claims that their malicious propaganda content consists of parts redacted from Japanese magazines due to government censorship. It is also possible that they will falsely claim that their materials reveal the contents of confidential documents or letters that they have seized.

The enemy may also use falsified photographs and deceptive statistics. The methods and techniques available for enemy propaganda are extremely diverse, and there is no space here to enumerate them all.

Thus, the materials scattered will not be limited to leaflets; there will be many other forms as well, and even the leaflets will vary greatly in content. In short, although the content of the propaganda will merely be distorted or fabricated facts, because the techniques and methods used are so skillful, there is a considerable risk that many people will be deceived and act rashly.

There is a danger that those who see such scattered documents will spread groundless rumors. Therefore, if the authorities obtain documents dropped by enemy aircraft, they must promptly make their contents public to expose the enemy's plot and prevent the people from having any misunderstandings.

When individuals obtain documents dropped from enemy aircraft, they must deliver them to the police without delay. By doing so, the police will gain valuable intelligence materials.

The practice of disseminating propaganda documents by means of airplanes or balloon devices was already employed during the First World War. Although as a propaganda method it is an old one, the techniques used have become very skillful. There is thus a risk that, among our Korean compatriots, unexpected misunderstandings may spread across the Korean peninsula due to being misled by this type of propaganda.

It is for this reason that I have hurriedly set down these preliminary observations here.

Be Ashamed of the Rings on Your Fingers!
March 1945 Action Items in Response to the Battlefield

The arrogant enemy, the Americans, have finally sunk their venomous fangs into our inner defensive line at Iwo Jima and are plotting a landing invasion of the mainland. Their mobile forces have been dispatched into our coastal waters. In this true state of decisive battle, the 3,500,000 residents of [Gyeonggi] Province must likewise confront the decisive battle with decisive battle attire, achieve savings targets, and endeavor to expand the production of timber, which occupies the throne of strategic materials. Accordingly, the Korean Federation of National Power, Gyeonggi Provincial Branch, has set forth the following action items for March:

◇ There is no need for rings on working hands. Work in Monpe workpants).
When the war first began, we all cautioned each other against wearing flashy clothing and adornments. However, as time has passed, it seems that complacency has crept into people's hearts. Recently, a considerable number of women can be seen wearing rings again, or reverting to wearing Chima. The war is no longer as it was in its early stages. It has now reached a true life-or-death brink — whether we survive or perish, whether we win or lose.
This is a time when women must work just as hard as men. There is no need for rings on working hands. The Chima is not the attire of a working woman.

◇ Let us splendidly accomplish our savings targets.
There is no longer any need to explain the necessity of savings.
Let us endure hardship, bear with inconvenience, and, without any argument, verify once again whether each household has achieved their assigned savings target.
If it has not yet been fulfilled, then we must, by any means necessary, achieve it within this March.

◇ Having felled trees, we must plant trees.
Since the war began, the demand for timber has sharply increased — directly for weapons, as well as for construction materials, fuelwood, and charcoal.
From now on, many more trees will be cut down.
However, if we continue cutting without planting, we will face grave consequences.
We will lack essential materials for the manufacture of aircraft and various weapons, for producing gas charcoal, and for sustaining the daily life of the people.
This would create serious problems for national defense and public security.
Therefore, let us urgently and quickly plant many trees that will become useful in a short time.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年2月22日

空からの敵の文書撒布
巧みに事実を歪曲
国語や諺文など使用せん
戸沢城大教授

既に敵側からは種々の媒体を通して様々な方法で悪辣な宣伝が行われているが、敵はたまたま戦局の有利な此際に、飛行機からビラ等を朝鮮にも撒布して宣伝に一層力を入れるものと予想しなければならない。その宣伝の内容は結局は真の事実の歪曲や捏造に過ぎないが、その手段や方法はなかなか巧みなものであろう。

敵機から撒布される文書にも様々なものがあろう。或は巧な国語や諺文の新聞が撒布され、それは一見如何にも率直に戦局を報道したり極めて公正に戦局に関する解説を試みたりしてあって、これこそすべて真実を伝える新聞だと思われるが、実は巧に其中に敵のための宣伝が織込んであって戦争その他内外の情勢に暗く抗戦の意気の足らぬ人々がこれを読むと、如何にも自国側が近々の中に軍事上も経済上も全く崩壊し敵側が完全に勝利を得るものと誤信する虞が多分にある。かくの如くして敵は、我々の抗戦の意気を沮喪せしめ、かの反枢軸側に和を乞うて却って塗炭の苦を嘗めたイタリア人たちと同様な境遇、否、それよりも遥にみじめな境遇に我々を陥れようとする。かくの如くして敵は我国の官や軍と一般国民とを離間させたり、内鮮の密接不可離の利害関係を割に軽く評価して朝鮮人にまことしやかに多くの偽の約束をして内鮮人を離間させたりして、我国を内部から崩壊させようと努める。

而も昨今敵が明かに朝鮮人と知りながらこれに残酷極まることを敢てした事例があるし、従来米英人がひどく朝鮮人を軽蔑しておることは朝鮮の識者の明らかに知るところである。

或は敵は我国の民間に信用のある新聞とか雑誌などを偽造して、その中に巧に宣伝を盛ってこれを撒布することもあろう。或は、我国の雑誌等の中で当局が検閲のために削除した部分の内容だなどといって悪辣な宣伝内容を撒布することも考えられる。或は押収した機密文書や書簡等の内容だなどと偽って巧に偽の宣伝内容を伝えてくることもあろう。偽の写真を使ったり、ごまかしの統計を示すこともあろう。敵側の宣伝の手段や方法を考えると非常に多種多様であって一々茲に列挙する余裕がない。

かくて撒布されるものはビラに限らず、其他に色々あるし、ビラにも様々の内容が盛られる。要するに宣伝内容は真の事実の歪曲されたものが捏造の事実であるが、宣伝の手段や方法がなかなか巧なために、これに乗ぜられて軽挙盲動する人々が案外多くなる虞がある。かかる撒布文書を見た者が流言蜚語を放つ憂がある。されば当局は敵機からの撒布文書を手に入れたら速に事情の許す限りその内容を公表して敵の謀略宣伝を発き、以て人民の誤解を防がねばならない。敵機からの撒布文書を手に入れたら人々は一刻も早く官憲に之を届けるべきである。それによって官憲は幾多の好資料を得るわけである。

飛行機、気球仕掛等によって宣伝文書を撤布することは既に第一次世界大戦の折に行われたことで、宣伝としては古いものであるが、その手法になかなか巧なものがあるから、朝鮮同胞の中にこの種の宣伝にのせられて意外の誤解がこの半島にひろまる虞もある。そこで取急ぎ茲に所見の一端を述次第である。

恥じよ、その手の指環
戦場に応える三月の実践事項

驕敵米は遂に内防線の硫黄島に毒牙をかけて本土上陸の野望を企図し我が近海に機動部隊を繰り出して来た。この真の決戦下我が三百五十万道民も決戦に臨んで決戦服装に徹し貯蓄目標を達成すると共に戦略物資の玉座を占める木材増産のため樹木の増殖に努めましょうと道聯盟では三月の実践事項として次の事項を掲げた。

◇働く手に指輪はいらぬ。モンペ姿で働こう。戦争が始った当時はお互いに戒め合って派手な服装か装身具を身につけなかったのに日がたつにつれて心に弛みが出来たのか、近頃は指輪をはめている婦人、チマに逆戻りした婦人が相当多く見受けられるようになった。戦争はそのはじめの頃と違って文字通り乗るか反るか、勝つか負けるかの瀬戸際に立っている。婦人も男同様うんと働かねばならぬ時、働く手には指輪もいらぬ。チマは働く婦人の服装ではない。

◇貯蓄目標を立派に果たそう。今更貯蓄の必要を説く要もあるまい。苦しさに耐え窮屈さを辛抱してお互い理窟抜きで各自の家に割当てられた目標額の貯金が出来ているかいま一度調べ、出来ていなければこの三月中に是が非でも果たすようにしよう。

◇伐ったからには樹を植えよう。戦争が始まって以来木材は直接兵器として戦いは用材と薪、木炭としてその需要は増々激増して来た。今後も多くの樹木が伐採されるが植立もせずこの儘にして置いては飛行機を初めとしていろいろな兵器の資材や瓦斯用木炭の原料や国民生活を維持する上に必要な薪炭材等にこと欠き国防上或は保安上に由々しいこともなる。この際速急に早く役立つ樹を多く植えよう。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive