How the war criminals of Imperial Japan shaped modern South Korean politics and business: the pro-Japanese legacy that Kishi, Sasakawa, and Kodama left behind in Korean conservatism

As a Japanese blogger posting content about Imperial Japan's colonization of Korea, I have been following the latest news coming out of South Korea and noticed the dismay that many Korean citizens have about the "pro-Japanese" nature of their conservative politicians. By "pro-Japanese," they refer to the way Korean conservative politicians are deferential toward Japanese politicians in matters of historical disputes, economic collaboration, and security agreements.

This deferential stance is often seen in the handling of contentious historical issues, such as the acknowledgment of wartime and colonial atrocities and abuses, reparations for victims of forced labor and sexual slavery, and the preservation of Japan's national narrative over these events. Furthermore, it is reflected in agreements or compromises that seem to prioritize Japan’s strategic and diplomatic interests over addressing long-standing grievances held by South Korean citizens. These actions have often left a significant portion of the Korean populace feeling that their leaders are neglecting national dignity and justice in favor of maintaining close ties with Japan.

In this post, I'm going to tell a narrative to partly answer the question as to why these "pro-Japanese" tendencies persist in the Korean conservative movement in Korea, including some links with sources for further reading. This is by no means a comprehensive answer, but I hope this post becomes a resource to gather much of the relevant historical information about this issue in one place. In this narrative, I trace how Kishi Nobusuke organized former war criminals and other prominent former Imperial Japanese government and military officials to reconstitute as much of the former Imperial Japanese regime as possible in the post-war environment, then exert influence in Korea. Others have posted more detailed information online which explain how Kishi and his successors came to dominate the Liberal Democratic Party and Japanese politics, but in this post, I will focus more on the interactions that Kishi's associates had with Korean government officials and businessmen over the decades to exert power and influence over South Korea in the postwar era. Through this exploration, I hope to provide readers with a deeper understanding of why these pro-Japanese tendencies persist in Korea and what it reveals about the ongoing impact of Imperial Japan’s colonial legacy in Korea. 

We will begin this narrative in 1940's defeated post-war Japan, ravaged by World War II and occupied by Allied forces. The Americans have imprisoned the class A war criminals at Sugamo Prison. However, other war criminals were released once the Americans decided that they could become useful anti-Communist leaders of postwar Japan. Among the released war criminals was Kishi Nobusuke, a key architect of Imperial Japan's wartime economy. Kishi emerged from Sugamo Prison in the post-war years with a renewed ambition: to reconstitute as much of the old Imperial Japan as possible. He was emboldened by his observation that the Americans did not care what his true political beliefs were, as long as he was a staunch anti-Communist. Imprisoned as a suspected Class A war criminal, Kishi befriended two fellow war criminals who would become instrumental to his vision—Ryoichi Sasakawa and Yoshio Kodama. Together, these men cultivated a network that blended political influence, corporate ambition, and organized crime to reshape Japan’s role in East Asia.

In wartime Japan, Sasakawa was the founder and leader of the National Essence League (国粋同盟), one of the most extreme right-wing political organizations in Imperial Japan. Sasakawa admired Benito Mussolini and modeled his organization on Italian Fascist principles, even visiting Nazi Germany and fascist Italy in 1939. While he held a position as a Diet parliament member, Sasakawa spent much of the war giving motivational speeches to the Imperial Army and the general public across the Empire to boost war morale. In his remarks during one visit to Korea in 1943, he encouraged leaders to "punch Koreans with an iron fist" if they seemed unsteady and unfocused (ふらふら), claiming that such actions were acts of love (可愛ければこその鉄拳である) necessary to bring them back in line. This philosophy aligned with the broader Imperial Japanese military culture, which heavily relied on corporal punishment. In this way, he normalized the physical abuse of Koreans and rationalized it as an act of tough love to mold the Koreans into 'true Japanese people'. 

While incarcerated at Sugamo Prison, Sasakawa kept a detailed diary that highlighted his belief in aligning Japan with a pro-American, anti-communist stance. During his time at Sugamo Prison, he worked tirelessly to improve the treatment of prisoners, earning respect from both high-ranking war criminals and lower-tier detainees. Sasakawa famously referred to Sugamo Prison as his “ultimate university,” a place where he built relationships that later connected him to Japan’s post-war establishment.

Sasakawa later supported the controversial Unification Church founder Sun Myung Moon in his anti-communist activities. From 1968 to 1972, Sasakawa was the honorary president and patron of the Japanese branch of the International Federation for Victory over Communism (Kokusai Shōkyō Rengō), which forged intimate ties with Japan's conservative politicians. Allen Tate Wood, a former top American political leader of the Unification Church of the United States, recalled his surprise upon hearing Sasakawa telling an audience, referring to himself, "I am Mr. Moon’s dog."

Kodama, who was designated as the "fixer" by Kishi, utilized his connections to play a pivotal role in normalizing Japan-South Korea relations in 1965. Following the normalization treaty, Kodama frequently visited South Korea, where he liaised with members of Park Chung-hee’s administration, serving as a fixer for Japanese corporations and the yakuza. Kodama’s influence facilitated the inflow of $500 million in reparations and economic aid from Japan, which jump-started South Korea’s industrial development and created lucrative opportunities for Japanese businesses.

One of Kishi’s most significant collaborations was with Ryuzo Sejima, a former Imperial Army officer turned corporate strategist. Sejima, who survived 11 years as a Soviet prisoner of war, joined Kishi in forging the Japan-South Korea Cooperation Committee, which solidified ties between the two nations. This committee laid the groundwork for deep economic and political collaboration, with figures like Sejima serving as trusted intermediaries.

The normalization of relations between Japan and South Korea in 1965, made possible by a partnership between Kishi and South Korean dictator Park Chung-hee, was not merely a diplomatic milestone; it was a strategic alignment against the shared threat of communism. The reparations package and subsequent economic cooperation enabled Japanese firms to enter the Korean market, further intertwining the two countries’ fates. Park Chung-hee, a former officer in the Japanese-controlled Manchukuo Army, shared ideological and personal ties with Kishi and his associates. Park preferred to surround himself with fellow Imperial Army academy graduates, such as Paik Sun-yup, a decorated hero of the Korean War but a controversial figure due to his earlier service in the Gando Special Force of the Imperial Japanese Army in Manchuria from 1943 to 1945. Paik was also involved in putting down the Yeosu-Sunchon Rebellion (거수·순천 사건) of October 1948, a brutal operation marked by ransacking, raping, and killing of civilians, with many of the soldiers still wearing old Japanese army uniforms. This choice of associates reflected Park's reliance on figures who, like himself, shared a connection to Japan’s colonial and military institutions. 

The predominance of pro-Japanese sentiments within South Korea’s conservative elite can be traced back to the early days of Syngman Rhee’s presidency. Rhee, whose domestic support base was weak, was forced to rely on collaborators with Imperial Japan to staff key positions in the police and military. The South Korean army, for instance, was largely founded and commanded by former officers of the Japanese military, while the police force was similarly dominated by those who had served under the colonial administration. This extended to other sectors as well, including the judiciary, media, education, culture, and religion. While Rhee himself cannot be described as pro-Japanese, the pillars of his government overlapped significantly with individuals who had thrived during Japan’s colonial rule.

The Special Committee for Prosecution of Anti-National Activities, established in October 1948 to address collaboration during the colonial period, was quickly dismantled after just over a year of activity. Although the committee compiled a list of approximately 7,000 alleged collaborators and arrested some prominent figures, its efforts were suppressed by the very police force that included former colonial officials. The committee’s offices were raided, effectively curbing its operations. [Source: Asahi Webronza Article]

The narrative of South Korea’s conservative elite shifted after independence. Their justification for maintaining power and influence centered on staunch anti-communism, pro-Americanism, and conservatism. Many former collaborators, once aligned with Japan, rapidly recast themselves as pro-American defenders of South Korea’s nascent democracy. In the context of a fierce Cold War rivalry with North Korea, this repositioning allowed them to frame their actions as vital for the survival of the state, rather than remnants of colonial oppression.

During the postwar period, Kishi and his allies cultivated relationships with South Korea’s emerging conservative elite, including Reverend Sun Myung Moon and business magnates such as Samsung’s Lee Byung-chul and POSCO’s Park Tae-joon. Lee Byung-chul’s business empire had its origins during the colonial era in Korea, with the establishment of Samsung Sanghoe in Daegu on March 1, 1938, initially focused on exporting dried fish and apples. His business success during this period likely would not have been possible without at least some collaboration with Imperial Japanese authorities. Samsung continues to exert significant political influence in conservative circles to this day. For example, The People’s Power party recruited Koh Dong-jin, an adviser to Samsung Electronics, ahead of the April 10 general elections in 2024. 

Sejima played an instrumental role in shaping South Korea’s export-driven economy by advising on the establishment of trading companies and industrial giants. His insights were so valued that employees at Samsung Group organized book clubs around the Japanese novel Fumou Chitai (The Wasteland), whose protagonist was modeled after Sejima.

Another key contact for Kishi's associates was Kim Jong-pil, head of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) and a close associate of Park Chung-hee. Kim’s support for the Unification Church, led by Reverend Moon, exemplified his efforts to consolidate a conservative, anti-communist bloc within South Korea. Notably, Kim, along with Park Chung-hee and Park Tae-joon, spoke Japanese so fluently that a Japanese diplomat once remarked that they seemed indistinguishable from native Japanese speakers. Additionally, Kim’s brother held secret discussions in Japan with Ichiro Kono, leading to an agreement to leave the contentious Takeshima/Dokdo issue unresolved, encapsulated by the phrase “settlement by not settling.”

Sejima’s deep connection with South Korea is evident in his memoir Many Mountains and Rivers (Ikuzanga), published in 1995. Sejima praised former President Park Chung-hee as “a self-disciplined leader with profound insight and leadership,” and expressed special respect for Lee Byung-chul, the founder of Samsung, calling him “a revered senior, brother, and teacher.” Through Lee Byung-chul, Sejima also forged ties with former Presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo.

Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, both military generals-turned-presidents who succeeded Park Chung-hee after his assassination in 1979, admired Sejima as a senior officer and respected his strategic insights. Chun Doo-hwan, in particular, felt that defending the Korean Peninsula from the North Korean threat was not solely South Korea's burden but a shared responsibility with Japan. Chun argued that Japan, given its proximity and vested interests in regional stability, should actively contribute to South Korea’s defense capabilities. This stance led Chun to push for economic and military support from Japan, framing it as essential for the collective security of East Asia. These appeals resonated with Japanese leaders, who viewed a stable and anti-communist South Korea as a crucial buffer against Northern aggression.

A key episode highlighting Sejima's close connections with South Korean leadership was his meeting with Kwon Ik-hyun, a prominent member of the Democratic Justice Party with strong ties to Samsung. In December 1982, acting as a special envoy for Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, Sejima met Kwon Ik-hyun at Gimhae Airport for a secret meeting. The two reached a fundamental agreement to resolve the strained Japan-South Korea relations caused by issues such as Japan's history textbook controversies and economic cooperation loans. This agreement paved the way for Yasuhiro Nakasone's official visit to South Korea, aimed at resetting bilateral ties. Kwon, known for his strategic thinking and influence within South Korea’s conservative elite, worked closely with business magnates like Lee Byung-chul to align political and corporate interests. Through Kwon, Sejima was able to deepen his understanding of South Korea’s economic and political dynamics, further solidifying the partnership between Japanese and Korean elites. 

Yasuhiro Nakasone's historic visit to Seoul in 1983 marked a new phase of Japan-South Korea cooperation. Behind the scenes, Sejima’s quiet diplomacy helped negotiate key economic loans that funded South Korea’s infrastructure, including the Seoul subway and power plants, while advancing Japan’s regional interests. This allowed Japan to influence South Korea’s political and economic trajectory in the 1980's, culminating in events like the 1988 Seoul Olympics, which bolstered South Korea’s global standing.

The historical legacy of this network resurfaced in later years when Park Chung-hee's daughter, Park Geun-hye, served as President of South Korea. In a poignant moment of historical significance, she met with Shinzo Abe, the grandson of Kishi Nobusuke, in 2015 during her presidency. This meeting resulted in an agreement intended to “finally and irreversibly” settle the contentious issue of comfort women. As part of the agreement, the Japanese government pledged $9 million to a fund for the surviving victims. For Japanese conservatives, this relatively small sum was seen as a way to put the darker aspects of Imperial Japan’s past to rest permanently, effectively allowing them to bury the history of wartime atrocities and abuses without further scrutiny. They viewed this as a significant political victory, expressing gratitude to South Korea’s conservative leadership for facilitating such a resolution. Indeed, Korean conservatives honored this agreement by refraining from criticizing Japan on the comfort women issue at a recent UN conference discussing women's human rights issues.

This 2015 meeting between Park and Abe also symbolized the enduring influence of their respective family legacies in shaping Japan-South Korea relations. The interaction highlighted how the ideological and political frameworks established by Kishi and Park Chung-hee have continued to influence the bilateral dynamics between the two nations.

So what now? How is this relevant to the present? Many of the politicians and businessmen mentioned in this post have descendants and proteges who continue to carry on their legacy and dominate Korean conservative politics today. For instance, Paik Sun-yup’s daughter, Paik Nam-hee (백남희), recently established the Paik Sun-yup Memorial Foundation, describing it as "an organization of hope that consoles the hearts of the victims of the Korean War and their bereaved families." This foundation portrays her father’s career in the most favorable light while omitting references to his controversial actions. Similarly, Samsung remains a family-run enterprise, with the founder Lee Byung-chul’s grandson now serving as its chairman, perpetuating the legacy of its founder. 

The People’s Power Party of Korea today has strong incentives to safeguard the reputations of their predecessors, actively avoiding any revelations that might tarnish their image. This includes downplaying or suppressing colonial history, as such scrutiny could expose uncomfortable truths about Korean collaborators during the Imperial Japanese colonial period. As long as the collaborators and their descendants retain influence, a comprehensive and honest examination of Korea’s colonial and Cold War history may remain out of reach.

Ultimately, the neo-Imperialist ambitions of Kishi Nobusuke and his allies were not a direct attempt to restore Imperial Japan but rather to secure Japan’s position as a regional leader in the Cold War context. Through alliances with figures like Park Chung-hee, Chun Doo-hwan, and South Korea’s business elite, they leveraged historical ties and strategic interests to reshape East Asia. Today, their legacy remains deeply embedded in the political and economic structures of Japan-South Korea relations, for better or worse.

Imperial Japanese news staff departing Korea wrote last words celebrating the ‘Young Korea’ as a ‘joyous uprising’, praising Kimchi, saying goodbyes to Korean collaborator writers, baring ‘a heart full of desolation’, mourning a daughter’s death, criticizing war leaders… (Nov. 1, 1945)

This is the second part of a two-part series. The first part is posted here.

The following is content from a Seoul newspaper published on November 1, 1945, two and a half months after Japan's surrender in World War II and the liberation of Korea. Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo), the colonial era newspaper that had served as the main propaganda newspaper for the whole of colonial Korea from 1909 to 1945, was still publishing in Japanese as the national newspaper of Korea. The ethnic Japanese staff managed against all odds to retain control over the newspaper during those two and a half months, until they were finally forced to relinquish control to the Korean employees. These Koreans independence activists took over and subsequently continued the publication of this newspaper in Japanese with an avowed Korean nationalist editorial stance from November 2nd until December 11th, 1945.

The very last page of Japanese-controlled Keijo Nippo, Nov. 1, 1945 issue

However, before the ethnic Japanese staff was forced to leave, they were allowed to publish one last issue, dated November 1st, 1945, with the very last page dedicated to farewell messages that they wrote to the Korean people as a memento, in which they eloquently express their sad and conflicted thoughts and feelings. Unfortunately, I found this last page in poor condition with big ink blots, gashes, and faded text, so it was very difficult to read them. Nonetheless, due to the compelling content of these long forgotten messages, I decided it was worth spending some time deciphering them as much as I could. There were seven different essays on this page with six different authors. Due to their sheer length, I shared two of the essays in the first part of this series, and I am sharing the five remaining essays in this post as I unlock this long forgotten time capsule.

There is a lot to unpack in these five essays, but since an in-depth analysis of this cross-section of the post-war Japanese psyche would probably require a dissertation, I will mostly let the words of the authors speak for themselves with some Wikipedia links added for convenience. But I think it will be fair to say that the thoughts and feelings of these Imperial Japanese news editors are extremely complex and defy any simple characterization. So, I'll just comment on a few notable things about these essays.

One of the essays bids farewell to the Korean writers of the Korean Literary Association, a puppet of the colonial regime. The Korean Literary Association was founded in 1939 to nurture Korean writers to serve the colonial regime. The association encompassed both ethnic Korean writers who wrote in Korean and Japanese and ethnic Japanese writers who were residents of Korea and wrote in Japanese, and the works of both groups were considered to be ‘Korean literature’, regardless of how different their cultures and perspectives may have been. In this way, Korean literature of this era became heavily politicized to serve the political interests of Imperial Japan. The association published a literary periodical that was published in both Japanese and Korean, but by May 1942, the Korean language edition was discontinued in the name of ‘Imperialization’ and ‘Japanese-Korean unification’. In an earlier post, I covered the propaganda writings of three of these Korean writers: Yu Jin-oh (유진오/兪鎮午, 1906~1987), Choi Jae-seo (최재서/崔載瑞, 1908~1964), and Lee Seok-hoon (이석훈/李石薫, 1907~?). 

In the postwar era, the three members’ lives took very different courses. Yu Jin-oh became one the early drafters of the South Korean Constitution, worked as a legal scholar and as a prominent conservative politician in South Korea for many years until his death in 1987. Choi Jae-seo continued his academic activities teaching English literature at South Korean universities until his death in 1964. Lee Seok-hoon was arrested by the North Korean People’s Army at the outbreak of the Korean War in July 1950, and his whereabouts are unknown to this day.

Another thing I noticed was the author of one of the essays: Katō Manji, who was born in 1890 and died in 1980. He describes himself as being the chief of the organization department of Keijo Nippo from 1942 to 1945. Doing a quick online search, I learned that, according to a 2008 Asahi Shimbun article, in at least 1941 and 1942, he was also working at the organization department of Asahi Shimbun newspaper in mainland Japan. His surviving family members provided some personal artefacts to Asahi Shimbun, which apparently included reams of directives from the military censors telling him what he was not allowed to publish. For example, one of the rules was "Don't use the word 'white people' (白人)". This suggests that the chief of the organization department was in charge of making sure that the military censor's directives were being followed by the newspaper staff.

This post is a continuation of my ongoing exploration of the old newspaper archives from 1945 Korea that I checked out and photographed at the National Library of Korea in September 2023.

[Translation]

Ten Years of Living in Seoul: Recalling Some of My Memories

By Terada Ei

When I look back at my ten years of life in Korea, various memories naturally come flooding back. Especially for me, it is inevitable that I will feel deeply moved, since I spent one-third of my newspaper career here.

At Keijo Nippo, I spent the longest time in the Arts and Culture Department. Because of this, I became quite close to many Korean cultural figures, which I consider an unexpected but valuable gain. Although I was known as a bit of a sharp-tongued person, I do not recall making any enemies, which is my most significant impression from my life in Korea. It is regrettable that I cannot bid farewell in person to each of these individuals, but even if I don't address each of them by name, I believe that in their hearts, there lies a friendship that will recall me from time to time.

My memories of the time when the so-called Korean Literary Association was formed are particularly profound. In the words that we used back then, Japanese and Korean literati came together as one to move forward. However, among my comrades of that time, some foresaw the inevitability of air raids in Korea and promptly evacuated to mainland Japan, while others quickly disappeared to Tokyo as soon as the situation worsened. When you consider that those were our leaders at that time, and that they were Japanese people, it goes to show that a person's true worth is revealed in times of crisis. I vividly remember traveling to 24 cities throughout Korea to give lectures as part of the so-called New System Movement during the Literary Association days. After the Literary Association became the Literary Patriotic Society, I became somewhat estranged from the scene due to the situation within the newspaper office at the time and the aftermath of an illness.

It is with reluctance that I speak of personal matters, but I lost my only daughter in Seoul. She had always been frail since birth, but she had never gotten sick even once since coming to Korea. After graduating from girls' school, she had become healthy enough to volunteer to assist with the Imperial Navy's work. However, she fell ill with a mild case of bronchitis, but after four days in bed, she passed away unexpectedly in the early hours of December 29. The doctor who saw her then was both the first and last doctor that she saw since coming to Seoul. She was twenty-three when she passed away.

What I gained from my time in Korea are the cherished memories of the many friends that I made, and the only thing that I lost was my hope in life, which I lost with the passing of my daughter.

My wife and I will soon leave Seoul, carrying two backpacks and an urn of ashes. It is difficult to deny that our hearts are filled with a mix of joy and sorrow, a tumult of various emotions.

Farewell, Korea. Farewell, Seoul, and farewell, my friends. Please accept this as my last goodbye in print. (October 31, 1945)

The Creation of a New Culture

By Nakaho Sei

I recall the day I first met General Arnold of the military government. The scene at the military government office, with its Western-style white chalk building, the Oriental-style building in the backyard with its predominantly red colors reminiscent of Beijing's Forbidden City, the American soldiers in khaki uniforms, and the crowd of Koreans in white traditional attire at the gate, formed a unique and unforgettable image in my eyes. From behind this scene, I could see the faint white smoke of burned documents rising into the sky. It felt like a symbol of the culture of tomorrow's Korea.

Looking back, it occurs to me that, whether it be Confucianism, religion, or Oriental music, many elements that added brilliance to Japanese culture from ancient to medieval times came from the Asian continent. However, it was Korea that played the crucial role of being a "bridge" connecting the Asian continent and Japan. Indeed, it may be said that, rather than being a bridge, Korea cultivated many of the ideas born in China and India before passing them on to Japan.

Buddhism is an excellent example of this. Confucianism, especially Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism, was greatly developed in Korea by great philosophers like Yi Hwang. The remarkable flourishing of Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism in Japan during the Tokugawa era owed much to Korean Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism. If it is permissible to say that Cheng-Zhu Neo-Confucianism was an ideological driving force of the Meiji Restoration, then the distant roots of the Meiji Restoration would have to be sought in Korea.

The world, especially in its entirety, has been ravaged by war and will be preoccupied with reconstruction efforts without much time for reflection. In East Asia, Korea suffered the least damage from bombings. From this perspective, Korea is now in a position to be a major nursery and source for the rebuilding of Greater East Asian culture… Korea is blessed with the opportunity to leave a significant mark on the cultural history of East Asia as a creator of culture.

From a geopolitical standpoint, there are various views about the Korean peninsula. However, looking at the map, Korea lies between China and Russia on the Asian continent, facing Japan and the United States across the sea. Korea should combine and refine the cultures of these neighboring countries to construct a new culture, an endeavor that must achieve significant results. Moreover, by nurturing Korea's inherent culture, such as that of the Baekje and Silla kingdoms, we can look forward to the growth of an even better new culture. (October 31)

Through the Newspaper Pages

By Katō Manji

The desperate struggles of the defeated nations, beginning with the establishment of the Badoglio government in Italy and the subsequent occupation by British and American forces, and then spreading to France and the smaller Balkan countries, were tragic to the extreme. These stories, transmitted via foreign telegram, were reported in Japanese newspapers, though only in a limited fashion. Japanese wartime leaders also used these real-life examples to teach the lesson that we must "win at all costs."

However, since August 15, Japan, as a "defeated nation," a label it has borne for the first time since its founding, has faced an increasingly severe and cold reality day by day.

As the chief of the organization department (editor) of Keijo Nippo, I have been in Korea for about three years, starting around the time when the reports of the Guadalcanal campaign began. Since then, amidst the continuously deteriorating circumstances up to this day, I have devoted my modest efforts to newspaper production and publishing. Looking back on this, there are countless things I want to write and say, but my pen is heavy, and progress is slow.

Now, Korea is moving away from Japanese rule and gathering collective wisdom for the construction of a new nation. It is truly a moment of joyous uprising. I can't help but celebrate for the young Korea. In contrast, we are gasping under the bitter dregs of defeat, returning to a chaotic and tumultuous Japan, sinking into the depths of agony. But let us not forget about "rebuilding Japan" and the task of rising from the depths, overcoming a thousand difficulties.

Due to my job, I never stepped out of the editorial office, let alone had the chance to do any inspections within Korea or make many influential Korean acquaintances. However, I am satisfied and take joy in saying goodbye, having known about 400,000 readers through the newspaper pages for about three years.

Light Sprouts

By Ōta Kōichi

The coldness of the desk, resonating with the warmth of the Indian summer outside the window, strikes my heart, reminding me that this is my last page as a reporter for Keijo Nippo.

Looking back, these days have been tumultuous, like being tossed in fierce waves. Even while attending press conferences at the military government office and witnessing the fresh stirrings of a new Korea being born, I was aware of the thinness of my own shadow. It was a lonely realization, but this was my last remaining duty and my greatest joy. Yet, today marks the end of my qualification to sit in that seat.

This April, I experienced two disastrous firestorms in Tokyo. Seeing sprouts emerging from the desolate burnt earth, I found myself shedding tears. Now, I must return to that scorched land, with a heart full of desolation and wandering thoughts, where the autumn wind now blows.

My current state of mind is like that desolate scorched earth. I am seeking sprouting light. I am certain that new sprouts of light are vigorously emerging in a new Japan. I must seek them out and nurture them to pave the way that we should follow.

Let's go home. Farewell, beautiful city of Seoul. May there be light sprouts in your soil too.

My Words

By Ōnuma Chiyo

If my friend waiting in a thatched hut in Shinano asks me what I learned from Korea, I would spontaneously reply, "I learned the taste of kimchi."

My time in Korea was spent in a short period suffering from catarrh, waiting to return to work and being overwhelmed by daily life. I had no leisure to explore the local historical sites, since I spent that time convalescing while reading the meager literature available.

Therefore, my life in this land felt empty, but one unforgettable thing that remained with me was the taste of kimchi. As I gradually became accustomed to its complex and varied flavors, it paralleled how I slowly assimilated into life in Korea. During that time, I became indifferent to the copious yellow dust and the pungent smell of garlic. The scent of the clay soil conveyed a sense of romance. The intense taste of kimchi served as a pleasant sedative to the intense emotions within me, leaving a lasting imprint on me due to its strength.

Though my time here was just over a year, I encountered an unfathomable rush of history. In my heart, which seeks to step into the world of contemplation, this significant event also provided a lesson that could be considered great in some sense.

In the remainder of my life, my heart will probably cherish the taste of kimchi with nostalgia, and hold an unbearable longing for the life I lived in this land for just over a year.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年11月1日

京城生活十年

＝思い出の幾つかを拾う＝

寺田 瑛

朝鮮生活十年を顧みると、さまざまの思い出が湧き出るのも無理はない。殊に、私としては私の新聞人生活の三分の一を費やした地である。感慨なからんとしてなき能わざる所以である。

京城日報では学芸部に一番永くいた。そんな関係で、朝鮮の文化人とも相当近づきになり、これは寧ろ意外な収穫であったといい得る。一面に毒舌家だといわれながらも、私は敵を持ったという思い出を一つも持たない。朝鮮生活に於ける私の最も大きい感銘である。今しみじみと離別の言葉をそれ等個々の人たちに捧げ得ないのは残念であるが、特にその名を挙げないにしても、それ等友人自身の胸の中には、私というものを時に応じて回想してくれる友情があるであろう。

いわゆる朝鮮文人協会というものが結成されて、当時の言葉でいえば内鮮、今の表現なら日鮮の文人が打って一丸となって進むことになった頃の思い出は特に深い。だがあの頃の同志の中に、朝鮮にも空襲必至と見抜いて逸早く内地へ引き揚げて行った人もあるし、今度の事態になるや否や、一目散に東京へ姿を消した人もあり、それが当時のリーダー格の人たちであり、また日本人であったことを思うと、やはりイザという時にこそ、その人の真価はわかるということを教えられる。文人協会時代の思い出の中でもいわゆる新体制運動をひっさげて全鮮二十四都市を分担して講演に出たことが印象に蘇える。文人協会が文人報国会になってからは、私は当時の社内事情と病後とのためについ疎遠になってしまった。

個人のことについて述べるのは憚られるが、私がひとり娘を喪ったのも京城である。生来虚弱の子でありながら、朝鮮へ来てからは一度も病気をしたことがなく、女学校卒業後は、逆に自分から進んで海軍の方の仕事を手伝う程の健康になっていたのに、かりそめの気管支炎に臥床四日、十二月二十九日の未明に呆気なく死んでしまった。しかもその時医者に診てもらったのが、彼女が京城へ来て医者にかかった最初であり、最後でもあったのだ。享年二十三であった。

私が朝鮮へ来て得たものは、数多い友人をめぐる懐かしい思い出であり、私が京城へ来て失ったものは、ただこの娘の死をめぐる人生への希望である。

私たち夫妻は、二つのリュックサックと一つの遺骨箱を携えて、不日京城を去るのであるが、互いの胸には喜悲を織りまぜた、さまざまの感情のみが去来すること否み難い。

さらば、朝鮮よ。京城よ。そして友よ。これが私の活字として残す最後の別れであることを受けられたい。（2605-10-31)

新文化の創造

中保 生

はじめてアーノルド軍政長官に会った日である。軍政庁のあの白亜の洋風建築と其の裏庭の丁度北京の紫金城を想わせるような赤い色彩の多い東洋風建築と、褐色の軍服を着ている米国の軍人と、庁舎の門前に群れている白衣の朝鮮服姿とが渾然一つに綜合されて僕の瞳に曾てない不思議な映像を描くのであった。而もそうした映像の陰からは焼いた書類の灰白い煙が漸く大空へ立ち昇っているのである。僕はふと明日の朝鮮文化の象徴を見たような心地がした。

回顧すれば、儒学にせよ、教学にせよ、或は東洋音楽にせよ、凡そ古代中世にわたる日本文化に絢爛たる光彩を添えたものの多くは大陸から渡ったのである。然し、常に其の大陸と日本とをつなぐ『橋』たる使命を果たしたのが、実に朝鮮であった。いな、『橋』というより、支那や印度に産声を挙げたものをここで培養して日本へ手渡したと解すべきものが少なくない。

仏教なぞはまさしく其の最もよい例であった。儒教にしても特に朱子学の如きは李退渓等の大哲学者によってここに大成されたのである。日本の朱子学が徳川時代あのようにすばらしい興隆を見るに至ったのも朝鮮の朱子学に負うところ頗る大なるものがあった。大義名分を説く朱子学が若しも明治維新の思想的原動力であったということにして許されるならば、おそらく明治維新の遠い淵源を朝鮮に求めなくてはならにであろう。

世界は、此の全域上は、その戦火に禍され、今後も復興工作のため十分思索の余裕をもたないが、東亜に於いて爆弾の被害の最も少なかったのが即ち朝鮮である。そうした点からいえば、朝鮮こそ、今や大東亜文化再建の一大苗床たり一大淵藪となるべき環境にあるといわなくてはならい。[illegible]自ら大成者として、東亜の文化史上に偉なる実跡を印すべき機運に恵まれたのである。

地政学的に半島を観ると、そこには幾多の見解もある。然しながら、地図を按ずれば、大陸に於いて支那とロシアとに接し海を隔てては日本と米国とに相対しつつあり、之等隣国の文化を綜合し、揚棄してここに新文化を建設せんとする企図だけでも相当の成果を収めなくてはならない。況んや、百済文化、新羅文化等は兎角あれ朝鮮本然の文化を増育することによって、更によき新文化の成長を待望することが出来るであろう。（10-31)

紙面を通じて

加藤万治

敗戦国民の惨憺なる奮闘の姿は、イタリアにバトリオ政権ができてから米英軍の進駐に始まり、更にフランス、バルカンの諸小国に拡がり、当時、外電により伝えられた悲惨極まる諸諸相は、日本新聞も細々と掲載したのである。日本の戦導者もこれ等の実相を引例して『断じて勝たねばならぬ』事を訓えた。

然るに、八月十五日以降、日本国には肇国以来始めて喫した『戦敗国』という烙印は、余りにも冷厳であり、日一日とその深刻度は加重して来たのである。

私は、京日の整理部長（編輯）として来鮮約三年、ガダルカナル戦の奏報が発表されだした頃からである。以来今日までの悪化一途の諸情勢下にあって、新聞製作や、出版の事に微力を尽くして来た。その一つについて顧みる時、書きたい事、言いたい事は山ほどもあるが、ペン重くして進まない。

いま朝鮮は日本の統治を離れ、新国家建設のため幾多の衆智が凝集されている。洵に歓喜湧起である。若き朝鮮のため慶祝堪えない。逆に我等は、敗戦の苦汁に喘ぎ、混沌極まる祖国日本へ引き揚げてゆくのだ。自ら苦悶のどん底へ落ち込んでゆくのである。だが忘れない、『再建日本』の事を。百千難を克服して深淵から立ち直る事を。

私は職場の関係で編集局から一歩も出なかった。まして鮮内視察の機もなく、知己を得た鮮人有力者も少なかった。然し四十万読者と紙面を通じて約三年相識の間柄であった事を、満足とし喜びとしてお別れをする。

光芽

太田耕一

これが京城日報の記者として与えられた最後の紙面であるという、窓外の秋は、今日は小春のあたたかさを見せているのに響いている机の冷えが、何かしみとおるほどに胸にこたえてくる。

顧みれば、はげしい波の中にもまれるような月日であった。軍政庁の会議室で新聞発表を受けている時にも、そこに新しい朝鮮が生まれつつあるみずみずしい胎動の中に居ながら、私は置かれている自分の影のうすさに気づいていた。それは、いかにも淋しい事であったが、最後に残っているたったひとつの私の仕事であり、何にもましてそれは私のよろこびであったのに、今日を限りに、私はもうその席に列する資格から離された。

私はこの四月、東京で二度の災火を受けていた。焦土の荒涼の中に萌え出るものの芽を見出して、おさなく私は涙を落していたのだが、再び私は秋風が今は流れているであろうその焦土に、落莫たる流離の思いとともに帰らねばならぬ。

今の私の心境は焦土の荒涼に似ている。私は萌えいずる光芽をもとめている。新しい光芽はきっと新しい日本にはっはっと萌えているにちがいない。それを求めて、またそれを培って、われわれの進むべき道を拓かねばならぬ。

帰去来―。

さようなら、京城の美しい街よ。その街の土にも光芽あれ。

私の言葉

大沼千代

信濃の草庵に待つ友から『朝鮮から何をまなんで来たか』と訊かれたら、私は無雑作に『キムチの味を覚えて来た』と答えるであろう。

短日月の潟留でそして仕事を待ち、生活、追われいた私には地方の古蹟を尋ねる余暇もなく、とぼしい文献の上でわずかにそれを癒やしいたといって好い。

それ故に寥々たる私の此の地での生活ではあったが、ただ一つキムチの味だけには忘れがたないものを残された。複雑多岐なその味に私が少しづつ馴染んで行ったことは、同時にこの朝鮮での生活に、私が次第に溶け込んで行ったのと同じ観を持つのである。そのような頃、私は夥しい黄塵や、大蒜の悪臭にいつか不感性になっていた。そうして埴土の香りは浪漫をつたえた。キムチの持つ強烈な味は、私のうちなる劇しいものに、快い鎮静剤の役割をも果たした。そしてその強烈さの故に私のうちに完全に烙印をのこしたのである。

一年余の歳月ではあったが、あり得ぬ歴史の怱忙にも遭遇した。観照の世界に踏み入ろうとしている私の心では、またこの一大事も或る意味では偉大といって好い程の訓戒を与えたのであった。

そこばくの私の余生において、おそらく私の心は、キムチの味になつかしさを抱き、一年余の此の地の生活に堪えがたい郷愁を持つのであろう。

Japanese news staff wrote sad and internally conflicted farewell essays to the Korean people in the very last page of Keijo Nippo (colonial propaganda newspaper) published under Japanese control before takeover by Korean activists on Nov. 2, 1945

The following is content from a Seoul newspaper published on November 1, 1945, two and a half months after Japan's surrender in World War II and the liberation of Korea. Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo), the colonial era newspaper that had served as the main propaganda newspaper for the whole of colonial Korea from 1909 to 1945, was still publishing in Japanese as the national newspaper of Korea. The ethnic Japanese staff managed against all odds to retain control over the newspaper during those two and a half months, until they were finally forced to relinquish control to the Korean employees. These Koreans independence activists took over and subsequently continued the publication of this newspaper in Japanese with an avowed Korean nationalist editorial stance from November 2nd until December 11th, 1945.

However, before the ethnic Japanese staff was forced to leave, they were allowed to publish one last issue, dated November 1st, 1945, with the very last page dedicated to farewell messages that they wrote to the Korean people as a memento, in which they eloquently express their sad and conflicted thoughts and feelings. Unfortunately, I found this last page in poor condition with big ink blots, gashes, and faded text, so it was very difficult to read them. Nonetheless, due to the compelling content of these long forgotten messages, I decided it was worth spending some time deciphering them as much as I could. There were seven different essays on this page with six different authors. Due to their sheer length, I will share two of the essays in this post, and share the rest in later posts as I unlock this long forgotten time capsule.

From what I can gather from reading these essays, these Japanese news editors were no longer writing as regime spokesmen, but rather as private individuals and as proud news professionals. They felt besieged in their stubborn determination to keep the national newspaper of Korea as a newspaper representing ethnic Japanese interests, for the sake of the Japanese people still remaining in Korea. Understandably, this created conflict with the Korean news community and ultimately led to the November 2nd Korean takeover.

Their essays reveal a profound sense of sadness and internal conflict as the authors grapple with the reality of defeat. Yet, remarkably, there is an absence of bitterness or resentment towards the Korean people or others. The tone of the essays is, in fact, quite gracious. One essay notably extends well-wishes to the Korean people in their endeavors to build their new nation. The essays also include interesting personal anecdotes, some of them about their own families.

This post is a continuation of my ongoing exploration of the old newspaper archives from 1945 Korea that I checked out at the National Library of Korea in September 2023.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) November 1, 1945

To Our Readers

Words of Farewell to Korea

From the Staff at Keijo Nippo Newspaper

We have found it difficult to put away our pens, which we had dedicated solely for the Japanese people who are in Korea. Ah, but as of today, the time has now come for us to part with this beloved part of our bodies, our pens. Is there anything more sorrowful for a journalist? Overwhelmed with countless emotions, we find ourselves at a loss for words. The members of our editorial team are embracing each other, crying tears of men. The scene resembles the tragic end of the Byakkotai Samurai warriors on the top of Iimori Hill. But what has robbed us of our pens? Now is not the time to speak of it. Perhaps we too must bear some responsibility. It goes without saying that this is due to our "defeat in war".

Since August 15th, the reality in Korea has been excessively harsh for us. It was an immense pressure that we could do nothing about. Yet, we endured, never abandoning our pens for the sake of the Japanese people, for the sake of their peace and tranquility. However, the end has finally arrived. It was a catastrophe we had braced ourselves for, but two months after the end of the war, in a Korea now entering the month of November, hundreds of thousands of Japanese are still awaiting their return to Japan, battling mental unrest, material hardship, and physical suffering.

From tomorrow onward, we can no longer convey our thoughts or write with our own hands to those people... Losing our light in the dark night, our canes broken, our thoughts turn to the sky... and our hearts are torn with pain.

Today's end is an inevitable outcome, but we regret not being able to maintain "a newspaper for the Japanese by the Japanese" in Korea until the very last Japanese person remains. However, we console ourselves thinking that we have done well over these last two and a half months. The immediate policies of the U.S. Military Government regarding the Japanese were somewhat clarified by the Property Disposition Measure No. 4, published in our paper on the 31st of last month. The issue for the remaining civilians is to return to Japan in a calm and orderly manner, following the U.S. military's plan for repatriating Japanese citizens. We believe we have somewhat fulfilled our duty to report the news during this process.

Regardless, today we must lay down our pens. And now, being forced to put down our pens, as journalists for whom the pen is our lifeblood, we suddenly feel a profound desolation. There are so many things we want to ask, say, explain, write, and simply scribble without reason. Each and every social phenomenon in Korea stimulates the senses of a journalist, resonating with all six senses. There may be presumptions. There may be bravado and posturing. As human beings, we may even make excuses. Finally, we would like to offer the following sentiments of the remaining staff as a memento to our readers in Korea. (Written by Shinichirō Takada)

Defeated in War

By Shinichirō Takada

The fact of the war's end, which I had half-believed and half-doubted, became an immovable and solemn reality... When I glimpsed it through Dōmei News Agency reports, the first dilemma thrown upon my intellect, albeit feeble, was how to cook up a newspaper article based on this earth-shattering fact. Until this moment, driven by patriotic passion and nationalist ideology, and considering various conditions, including the fact that this newspaper is in a unique place called Korea...

The essence was, if we were to faithfully report the truth in accordance with our essential duty as a newspaper, the only task that was left for us was to report this fact as a fact, and somehow imprint it calmly and in detail on the readers, while minimizing the shock that they received as much as possible. During the war, handling such anti-nationalistic facts in this manner was just the common sense of the newspaper. Even when faced with the fact of defeat, we hardly understood the common sense of defeat at that time (or perhaps it is more appropriate to say that we did not have that luxury in our minds). It was not surprising for us to follow such newspaper common sense.

But the next moment, something nagging like a small lump suddenly formed in my mind. What was this culprit? It took a few moments to find it, but it was undoubtedly a small "unconscious sense of defeat." This stark reality had such a terrifying and immense pressure. However, in my actual editorial work, I particularly ignored this "lump." To put it plainly and simply, at that time, my optimism dominated my intellect more than my pessimism did. No, actually, that might be the wrong way to say it. My so-called "unconscious sense of defeat" should not be interpreted as mere pessimism, but rather, I want to defend myself by saying it was a calm and fair judgment of intellect. But in reality, the surface of my current self was still dominated by my own optimism as well as other conditions, such as various inertias and face-saving tendencies, and this sense of defeat did not deepen. And until then, I did not feel such a strong contradiction between these two consciousnesses.

However, since that day, the fact of defeat began to materialize as an unpleasant reality in my personal life and work. I began to be involuntarily pressed by the fact of defeat as a consciousness. And this fact is still expanding even now. I do not want to use the word bluff, but the situation has progressed to the point where such stubborn optimism alone cannot handle it, and it's clear to me that my mental preparation seems nothing but a bluff. As a result, I had no choice but to develop an unconscious sense of defeat and ultimately had to shift from subjectivity to objectivity in my work on newspaper production. As an editorial writer, I had no choice but to temporarily give up my honorable job at that time.

American-style journalism focuses on faithful and rapid reporting, but over these two months, regardless of our preference, our newspaper has ironically become akin to that American style of journalism. Of course, we have not forgotten our position as a newspaper representing the interests of the Japanese people. We have received various criticisms from the Korean newspaper community for this, but it is not due to any ideological confrontation or sheer obstinacy or anti-defeatist consciousness. Rather, it is merely a difference in positions and interests.

Thus, I must honestly confess that there is a considerable difference between my consciousness two and a half months ago and now. It is not just that optimism has turned to pessimism, but I have come to boldly understand or honestly accept the fact of defeat. It is agonizing, but not as painful as before, and the feeling of dying from the pain has decreased. The feeling that the defeated Japanese nationals are so miserable is endless, but I have come to accept it to a certain extent as a natural course of events. It could be said that I have attained the intellect and composure to calmly understand the facts as they are. Or perhaps I have come to possess a small enlightenment, akin to consolation. Anyway, I am in such a state of mind now, whether it is progress or regression.

This consciousness of defeat will not end as it is. That is, the consciousness of defeat will inevitably affect my ideological tendencies to a greater or lesser extent. This is a serious matter. To be honest, I have already started to have doubts and concerns in this regard. Sooner or later, a true ideological turning point due to the end of the war will come to me. I grew up in the era of liberalism, learned in the winds of socialist thought, and was dyed in nationalist thought upon entering real society, further intensified by the long war. Now facing a significant ideological transition, my feelings are immensely complex. If I can isolate myself from everything after returning home to Japan and gain the confidence to overcome this period of ideological transition, I think there is no greater happiness.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年11月1日

読者に捧ぐ

朝鮮へ餞の言葉

＝京城日報社同人有志＝

日本人のために、ただ朝鮮に在る日本人のために、棄てんとして棄て得なかった我等のペンである。ああ、然し、その愛すべき肉体の一部のようなペンをきょう限り棄てねばならなくなった。新聞人としてこんな悲しいことがあろうか。万感胸にせまって、いうべき言葉さえない。社内同人は相擁して男泣きに泣いている。それは恰もあの白虎隊の飯盛山上の最後のような悲劇の幕切れである。それにしても我等のペンを奪ったものは何か。然しそれはいまいうまい。我等自身も亦自らその責めを背負わなければならないかもしれぬ。『敗戦』の為であるこというまでもないからである。

想えば八月十五日以来の朝鮮の現実は余りにも我等に対して冷酷であった。前もそれはどうすることも出来ない大きな圧力であって、それすらも我等同人は堪えに堪え忍んで、日本人の為に、ただ日本人の安寧の為にペンを棄てずに来た。然し終焉は遂に来た。それは我等自身何時か来るべきものであることを覚悟して来た破局であるが、終戦後恰も二ヶ月来、すでに霜月に入った朝鮮には未だ数十万の日本人が精神的な不安と物質的な困難と、そして肉体的な苦痛と戦いつつ帰国の日を待ち侘びている。

我等はそれらの人々にさえ、明日の日から我等は我等の心を伝え、我等の手で綴った[illegible]できなくなったのだ。暗夜に灯を失い、杖をも折れ、[illegible]の上に思いをはせるとき、我等同人の胸はかきむしられるように苦しい。

きょうの終焉それは不可避的な結果ではあるが、なお我等の力更に及ばず朝鮮に最後の日本人一人となるまで『日本人の為の日本人の新聞』を持ち得なかったことは返す返すも悔まれてはならない。然し思えば、この二ヶ月半よくぞやって来た、と我等はひそかに自らを慰めている。米軍政庁の日本人に関する当面の方策措置は昨三十一日附本紙所載の財産処分に関する措置第四号を以て一応明らかとなったようである。残された一般人の問題は、残留日本人が米軍の指示による日本人引揚輸送計画に従って、静粛に、統制ある帰国をなすことあるのみである。我等の報道の義務も亦従って一応過程的には履行した形であると言い得るのではないかと思う。

何はともあれ、我等同人はきょう限りペンを棄てねばならない。さて、いまペンを置く仕儀にたたされると、俄かにペンを生命として来た新聞人としての寂しさを犇々と感ぜられる。何かしら問いたいこと、言いたいこと、説きたいことと綴りたいこと、そしてわけもなくペンを走らせたいことなど、特に朝鮮における現実の社会現象のすべてはその一つ一つが新聞人の感覚を刺激し、六感に響く現象ばかりである。独断もあるかもしれぬ。空威張り、虚勢そんなものもあるかもしれぬ。まして人間として[illegible]言い訳もあるであろう。以下最後まで居残った有志の感慨の記録を朝鮮のかたみとして読者に捧げることを許されたい。（高田信一郎記）

戦い敗れて （高田信一郎）

半信半疑であった終戦という事実が心を動かすべからざる厳粛[illegible]同盟通信として覗いてたとき、貧弱ではあるが、私の知性の上に投げつけられた最初の悩みはこの驚天動地の事実をいかに新聞記事として料理すべきかという一事であった。この瞬間まで待ちつづけた愛国的な情熱と国家主義的な思想からすれば、そしてまた朝鮮という特殊の地域にある新聞という多くの条件を[illegible]

要は私達は新聞の本質的義務として忠実なる事実の報道をせねばならないのであるとすれば、私に残された唯一の仕事はこの事実を事実として報道するとして、いかにすればこの事実を読者に冷静に細かく印象づけ、出来るだけ読者の受ける衝動を少なくするということでなければならない。戦争中であれば、そうした反国家的事実をそのように扱うことは、それはほんのありふれた新聞常識でしかない。敗戦の事実を目のあたりにしたその時でさえ、なお敗戦の常識を殆ど持ち得なかった。（そういう余裕が心になかったといった方が適切かもしれない）私達として、そうした新聞常識に従おうとしたのは何の不思議でもないのである。

然し次の瞬間、私の脳裏にポツンといつの間にか出来た小さな瘤のように引っかかるものがあった。その曲者は何であったか。更にその数瞬間漸く探しあてたことであったが、それは紛れもなく小さな『無意識の敗戦感』であったのだ。厳然たる事実は、それほど恐ろしく大きな圧力をもっている。然し私は実際の編集上の仕事の上には殊更にその『瘤』を無視して行動した。有りていにいえば、その時は未だわかり易く言って、私の強気は私の弱気より私の知性を支配する力の方が強かったのである。否、こういう言い方は間違っているかもしれない。私の所謂『無意識の敗戦感』は実は単に弱気と解すべきでなく、むしろ冷静に公正になされた知性の判断であったと自己弁護したいのである。然し実際の私の現在の表面には未だその私自身の強気やら、いろいろの惰性や面子といったその他の条件に支配されて、その敗戦感が深まるということはなかった。そして私自身そう大してその二つの意識の相剋矛盾をその時まで強く感じなかったのである。

ところが、その日以来その敗戦の事実は私の身辺の上に、また仕事の上に、続々として不愉快な事実として具体化して来た。否応なしに敗戦の事実を、意識として圧しつけられ始めたのである。そして、その事実は今なお益々拡大しつつあるのである。虚勢などという言葉は使いたくないが、そんな一途な強気だけではどうにも出来ないほど事態は進展して、誰が見ても虚勢としか思えないような心の構え方が、自分自身にもよくわかるのである。その結果は無意識的な敗戦感にまで発展せざるを得なくなり、結局新聞製作の仕事の上では主観を成るだけ抜きにして、客観的の面へ面へと移らざるを得なくなった。私は論説の記者としての光栄ある仕事をその時限り一応断念せざるを得なくなったのもその為である。

アメリカ流の新聞流儀は忠実にして迅速なる報道というところに眼目があるが、この二ヶ月来の間、私達の好むと好まざるとに拘わらず、私達の新聞が結果に於いてそのアメリカ新聞流になってしまったのは、何か皮肉みたいなものを感じさせられるのである。然し、勿論私達は日本人の利害を代表する新聞という立場を忘れなかったつもりである。そのために朝鮮側の新聞界からいろんな批評を受けたが、それは全然思想上の突張りとか、ただ一途な強気からの対抗意識、若しくは非敗的意識のためではない。それは単なる立場の相違利害の相違からということでしかない。

かくして私自身の感慨からいえば、二ヶ月半前と現在の意識では可成り違ったものがあることを正直に告白しなければならない。単に強気が弱気になったということではなく、敗戦の事実を可成り大胆に諒解し若しくは可成り正直に受け取っても、悶ではあるが以前ほど苦しくなくなったし、死ぬほど辛いという気も少なくなった。こんなにも敗戦国民は惨めなものかという感情はつきないが、それを或る程度当然の成り行きだという風に納得し得るようになった。事実を事実として、冷静に理解し得るだけの知性と余裕をもつに至ったともいうべきであろうか。或はそれとも一つの慰めに似た小さな悟性をもつに至ったと解すべきであろうか。とにかく、一つの進歩か退歩かしらぬが、いま私はそんな心境である。

ただこの敗戦の意識はそのままで終るわけはない。即ち敗戦の意識は私の思想上の動向にも大なり小なり影響を与えずにはおかないであろう。これは大変なことである。すでに私は正直に言って、一つの迷い、一つの悩みをそういう点に持ち始めている。晩かれ、早かれ、そうした終戦による本当の思想の転機が私にも訪れることと思うが、自由主義時代に育ち、社会主義的思想の風の中に学んで来た私として実社会に入って国家主義的思想に染色され、長い間の戦争によって更に色揚げされた格好の私である。いま又大きな思想的転換期に直面して、私の感慨は千万無量である。帰国せる後の私の第一の余裕が一切のものから隔離され得て、この思想転換期を乗り切るだけの自信を得るために与えられれば、私はこんな幸福はないと思っている。

‘Malicious brokers’ and impoverished Koreans fought each other in cutthroat battles to lay claim to empty houses vacated by the Japanese in Seoul in immediate post-war period

Continuing with my ongoing exploration of the old newspaper archives from 1945 Korea that I checked out at the National Library of Korea in September 2023, I found this disturbing November 1945 article about hordes of desperate people who fought it out amongst themselves in cutthroat battles over houses that were vacated by Japanese residents who moved back to Japan in the immediate post-liberation period. In Korean cities under colonial rule, Japanese people tended to settle on prime real estate, especially along main thoroughfares, so the housing battles would have presumably unfolded in those areas. People described as "malicious brokers and money-grubbers" allegedly scooped up these houses as soon as they were vacated. The word "家屋爭奪" (housing battle) is in the middle of the illustration. A smiling man smoking a cigarette is in a house with a sign saying "부러카本部" (broker headquarters), watching with bemusement as people scramble to lay claim to the vacated houses in a desperate scene somewhat reminiscent of Squid Games.

Why is this article from a Korean independence newspaper written in Japanese? Around November 1st, 1945, Korean employees overthrew their Japanese bosses at Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo), the colonial era newspaper that had served as the main propaganda newspaper for the whole of colonial Korea from 1909 to 1945. The Korean independence activists subsequently continued the publication of this newspaper in Japanese with an avowed Korean nationalist editorial stance until December 11th, 1945. As the Korean employees of Keijo Nippo explained in their message to the readers, this was a temporary measure, undertaken while Korean typefaces were being prepared for eventual use.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) November 30, 1945

The "Housing Battles" Are No Laughing Matter

Reflect and Restrain Yourselves! It is a National Disgrace!

Disorder and Violence

On reflection, it is truly heart-wrenching to consider the plight of war victims and conscripted soldiers who, coming from abroad and within the country, heard the news of liberation and returned home, only to find not even a warm futon waiting for them. One would have thought that the houses vacated by the Japanese should naturally be prioritized for these impoverished individuals. However, this is not the case. The houses are being overwhelmingly seized through the tactics of malicious brokers and money-grubbers who have descended upon them like a flood, leaving the struggling nation-builders homeless and wandering the streets in a pitiful state.

While the circumstances of those targeting the empty houses vacated by the Japanese people are not individually examined, most of them are likely suffering from housing difficulties. However, in reality, priority appears to have been given to those who should not have been prioritized.

Look at this hellish scene! The chaotic crowd surrounds the vacant houses left by the Japanese people. Isn't such illegal, disorderly, and disgraceful behavior a shame on our people? Do they think they can lay claim to the houses vacated by the Japanese through illegal and disorderly use of power and violence, when these houses should have become state property?

In various places throughout the city, such disgraceful battles for housing are unfolding to an unsightly extent. Reflect and restrain yourselves! Why don't you understand how shameful this is for our people? (The illustration shows the disgraceful scene of a housing battle.)

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年11月30日

笑えぬ『住宅争奪戦』

反省、自重せよ！国民の恥辱だ

無秩序と暴力

考えて見たら実に同情に堪えない海外から国内から集り寄る戦災者や応徴士達が解放の報をきいて帰っては来たが、彼等を待ってくれる温かい蒲団一枚もない現状。日人の住宅は当然これら貧窮に泣く人々に優先的に与えられるものと思ったが、それがそうでもなく洪水のように襲い来る悪質ブローカや守銭奴達の手段によって悉く奪われ、住宅に困る建国闘士らはそのまま路頭にさ迷うという涙ぐましい情景だ。

日人の空き家を狙う人々達の家庭事情を一一調べては見ないが、おそらくその殆どは住宅難に陥った人達ではなかろうか。だが現実はこれらに優先を与えられたようなものになってしまったのではあるまいか。

見よ！日人が去った後の空き家を囲繞する人々の難雑をこの修羅場の光景を。不法、無秩序な醜態はわが民族の恥でなくてなんであろうか。国家の所有となるべき日人の住宅を不法無秩序な権力暴力をもってわがものになると思うのだろうか。

いま市内のところどころにはこんな笑えぬ住宅争奪戦が見苦しいほど展開されている訳だ。反省せよ！自重せよ！国民の恥辱をなぜ知らないか。（カットは見苦しい住宅争奪の光景）

Nov. 1945 news articles called out Korean ‘national traitors’ who helped Japanese residents liquidate their assets in Korea into cash to take back to Japan, even public shaming one man by name

Continuing with my ongoing exploration of the old newspaper archives from 1945 Korea that I checked out at the National Library of Korea in September 2023, I decided to take a closer look at some more anti-Japanese articles in a Japanese language newspaper that was published after being taken over by a group of Korean independence activists. Around November 1st, 1945, Korean employees overthrew their Japanese bosses at Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo), the colonial era newspaper that had served as the main propaganda newspaper for the whole of colonial Korea from 1909 to 1945. The Korean independence activists subsequently continued the publication of this newspaper in Japanese with an avowed Korean nationalist editorial stance until December 11th, 1945. As the Korean employees of Keijo Nippo explained in their message to the readers, this was a temporary measure, undertaken while Korean typefaces were being prepared for eventual use.

These are a few short articles from November 1945 that give you a rough feel of what the attitudes of Koreans towards the Japanese were like back then. There was apparently a feeling that the wealth that the Japanese people amassed during the colonial period was ill-gotten, so the editors looked on with disapproval at any attempt by the Japanese to sell their things for cash to take back to Japan. They even viewed any Korean who helped the Japanese liquify their assets as traitors, naming one individual in particular to publicly shame (Lee Bok-dong), whose name is also written on the signage above the door in the news illustration of Tanaka store. There is also a report about Japanese people who were attempting to illegally travel from Japan into Korea. Next to that story is a short announcement about the release of Park Yeol, a Korean independence activist who was jailed in Japan for attempting to assassinate the Emperor. He is a controversial figure, as his political affiliation changed many times from anarchism, pro-Japanese Imperialist, anti-communism after the war, and then to pro-communism.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) November 5, 1945

The intellectual class should unite with the populace

Do not buy Japanese property!

Lieutenant General Hodge meets with Song Jin-Woo

Lieutenant General Hodge invited Mr. Song Jin-Woo, leader of the Korean Democratic Party, for a discussion that lasted about an hour. Lieutenant General Hodge addressed the Korean intellectuals as follows:

"Currently, the Korean populace is being misled by ruffians, nihilists, and pro-Japanese factions. You should all strive to enter among the masses and make them understand what nationalism and democracy really mean.

I am convinced that all the people support nationalism and democracy. Nevertheless, it is regrettable that workers are not working due to the interference of ruffians, nihilists, destructionists, and pro-Japanese factions.

From a democratic standpoint, we cannot but allow the sale and purchase of Japanese property. However, if Koreans do not unite to buy it, the Japanese will likely leave the property as it is when they leave. Yet, the pro-Japanese factions are colluding with the Japanese, enriching themselves.

The military government does not permit Japanese people to take more than one thousand yen in cash when returning to their country.

If the Korean intellectual class joins the masses to thoroughly disseminate nationalism and democracy and unites to demonstrate the true power of the Korean people, the issue of the 38th parallel, which is a personal opinion of the Director of the Far Eastern Department of the State Department, will naturally be resolved."

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) November 10, 1945

"Profile of the Japanese District (3)

'Mr. Lee, please take care of it,' 'Don't worry!'

'What is the relationship between Tanaka Store and Lee Bok-Dong (이복동, 李福童)?' Walking through the Japanese Shopping District, one can hear such conversations in each house. Look at the expression of the greedy old Japanese man guarding the safe in the back room! His heart, insisting on turning every single plate into money before leaving, is the last evil vestige of forty years of exploitation. However, the detestable pests infesting this country are not just these greedy Japanese moneykeepers.

There are also plenty of traitors to the nation who ride along with them, saying, 'I'll take care of your household goods.' And who are those buying up Japanese property? They, too, must be completely driven out. (Illustration: Furniture to be sold off quickly)

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) November 16, 1945

Illegal Crossings of Japanese to Korea

Travel Ban to be Implemented if Illegal Crossings Increase

While the repatriation transport of Japanese has become significant, conversely, many Japanese are attempting to travel from Japan to Korea. These ordinary Japanese people are being denied landing and detained by the Allied Forces authorities at Busan and other Korean ports.

It goes without saying that Japanese cannot travel freely to Korea. Recalling the times when even we, who were once called Imperial subjects, needed certificates to travel, it is unreasonable for the Japanese to think of Korea as their own territory and attempt to illegally travel for an easier life there because of inconvenient circumstances in their own country. Enduring inconvenience and hardship should be the way for the Japanese to live. On this matter, Colonel Stilwell states that under the current situation, Japanese are fundamentally not permitted to travel to Korea.

Those with unavoidable circumstances must obtain permission from the Allied authorities and possess a permit to travel. If the number of Japanese attempting to travel to Korea increases in the future, a ban on illegal travel in other regions will likely be issued. Once this ban is issued, regardless of the reason, travel for Japanese will become more difficult. Therefore, the Japanese side is urged to fully cooperate with the intentions of the United Nations.

Mr. Park Yeol to be Welcomed

Comrades from Daegu are headed to Tokyo

Twenty-three years ago, during the Great Tokyo Earthquake, Mr. Park Yeol (real name = Park Jun-sik) (47), who was arrested for attempting to assassinate the Emperor of Japan, and since then sentenced to life imprisonment from a death sentence, had been transferred between various prisons. Recently, he was serving his sentence in Akita Prison in Japan. He was released around October 10, following the so-called political prisoner release order by General MacArthur.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年11月5日

知識層は民衆と団結

買うな日人財産

ハッジ中佐・宋鎮禹と会談

『ハッジ』中将は韓国民主党首宋鎮禹氏を招聘して約一時間に亘り会談を遂げたが、『ハッジ』中将は朝鮮有識階層に伝達するよう次の如く語った。

現在、朝鮮民衆は無頼漢、虚無主義、親日派等に籠絡されている。皆様は大衆の中に入り民族主義、民主主義が何だろかを納得するよう努力すべきである。

全民衆が民族主義、民主主義を賛成しいることを私は確信している。それにも拘わらず無頼漢、虚無主義者、破壊主義者、親日派等の跳梁により労働者は働かないのは遺憾である。

日本人財産は民主主義的立場からその売買を許可せざるを得ない。然し朝鮮人が団結して買収しない場合は彼等はその財産をそのままにして撤去するであろう。それにも拘わらず親日派は日本人と結託して彼等の懐を肥している。

軍政庁では日本人は千円以上の現金携帯の帰国は許していない。

朝鮮知識階級層が大衆の中に入り民族主義及び民主主義を周知徹底させ、一致団結して朝鮮人の底力を発揮するならば、国務省極東部長一個人の意見たる信託統治の三十八度問題も自然解決されるであろう。

京城日報 1945年11月10日

日人街のプロフィル（３）

『李さん！たのみますぜ』、『心配しなさんな』

田中商店と李福童はどんな関係をもっているのか？日人商店街を歩くと家々にこんな問答がきこえて来る。奥の間で金庫を守る守銭奴日人おっさんの表情を見よ！お皿一つでも金にしなくちゃ帰らぬというその心臓は搾取四十年の今日に残す最後の発悪でなくて何であろう。憎むべき建国の害虫はこれら日人守銭奴だけではない。

その手先に乗って『あなたの家財道具は僕が引き受けて買ってやる』という民族反逆者も決して少なくはない。又日人財産を買い歩くのは誰か。これらももろどもに駆逐すべきだ。（かっとは売り捌く家財道具）

京城日報 1945年11月16日

日人の不法渡鮮

増加せば渡航禁止令

日人の引揚輸送に大様になっている一方、逆に日本から朝鮮に渡航せんと企てる日人が多く、これら一般日本人は釜山其の他の朝鮮の港で聯合軍当局から上陸禁止、抑留などの処分を受けている。

言うまでもなく、日人の朝鮮への渡航は自由ではない。過日皇国臣民と称せられた我々が渡航する時に於いてさえ証明書を必要としたことに思いを致せば、今なお朝鮮を恰も領土視し、不自由だからとて楽土朝鮮に密渡航を企てるが如きは思いなしといわなければならない。不自由も苦労も偲び堪えることが日人の生きる道であろう。これについてスチウル大佐は日本人は現下の事態に於いては、原則として渡鮮は許されていない。

止むを得ない事情の者は連合国当局の許可を受け許可証を所持した上で渡航しなければならない。若し日本人で今後郷関に渡航する者が増加するときは、他の地域における密渡航禁止令を発することとなるであろう。この禁止令が一度発せられたら理由の如何を問わず日本人の渡航は一層困難となるから日人側でも十分聯合国の趣旨に協力せよと要望している。

朴烈氏迎えに

大邱同志東京へ

今を去ること二十三年前、東京大震災当時に日本天皇を暗殺せんとしたために検挙され、死刑宣告から無期懲役を受けて以来、各刑務所を転々としていたが、最近は日本秋田刑務所で服役中であった朴烈氏（本名＝朴準植）（四七）は此度『マッカーサ』大将の所謂政治犯釈放命令に依り去る十月十日頃釈放された。