How Imperial Japan used the Shinto holy book ‘Nihon Shoki’ to justify colonizing Korea: a look at Koiso’s 1944 anti-Chinese, anti-American, anti-Communist youth rally

In the following January 1944 speech to Korean conscripts, Governor-General Kuniaki Koiso advanced his theory that Koreans and Japanese shared the same ancestry and roots, drawing on passages from the Nihon Shoki to assert that Koreans’ ancestors were Japanese. Koiso framed his mission as one of awakening Koreans to their "true identity" as part of the Japanese nation, which he believed had been obscured by centuries of Confucian influence during the Joseon dynasty and by foreign ideologies like Anglo-American Christianity and Communism. He emphasized the need for Koreans to embrace Shinto practices and study Japan’s divine history to reconnect with their supposed origins and align themselves with Japan’s imperial vision. Koiso presented conscription and training not only as a means of contributing to Japan’s war effort but as a path for Koreans to fulfill their "destiny" by becoming spiritually and culturally integrated with the Japanese people.

Original caption: Governor-General giving a speech to the drafted students

During his reign as Governor-General of Korea from 1942 to 1944, Koiso, a man marked by vanity and a messianic belief in his own vision, sought to do what he believed no other Governor-General before him could achieve: persuade Koreans to abandon their identity and fully embrace being "Japanese." But Koiso’s approach was unlike his predecessors’. While others sought to forcibly assimilate Koreans by turning them into Japanese, Koiso’s so-called insight was far more insidious—he declared that Koreans were already Japanese and simply didn’t realize it yet. His self-appointed mission? To awaken the "Japanese person" within every Korean.

Koiso’s strategy centered on a mix of religious revival, forced education, and the enforcement of Shinto religious practices. He believed that Koreans would rediscover their "true selves" by observing Shinto rituals and studying Japanese scriptures, particularly the Nihon Shoki. According to Koiso, Koreans’ ancient ancestors were Japanese, and reconnecting with these roots would allow them to transcend their current identity and unify with the Japanese nation. This twisted vision was what he referred to as "being penetrated in the essence of the National Body (国体本義の透徹)," an idea propagated by Koiso's favorite Kokugaku scholar and Shinto spiritual leader Master Imaizumi (see related 1942 articles about Imaizumi).

To achieve this, with the help of Director Takeuchi (see related Feb. 1943 article about Takeuchi), Koiso established a vast network of training centers aimed at indoctrinating Koreans with Japanese ideology and customs. He also oversaw the construction of Shinto shrines across Korea, often built using forced labor (see related April 1944 article). These shrines were intended to enforce the worship of Japanese deities as a way of spiritually binding Koreans to Japan. After Korea’s independence, these shrines—symbols of cultural oppression—were burned to the ground.

About a month after delivering this January 1944 speech, Koiso would deliver a speech in February 1944 (see related Feb. 1944 article) pointing to a passage in the Nihon Shoki that he claimed proved Koreans’ ancestral ties to Japan. He fixated on the story of Susanoo, the younger brother of Amaterasu, the Japanese sun goddess, who was said to have descended upon a place called Soshimori. Koiso declared this as evidence that Koreans were part of the divine lineage of Japan. The Keijo Nippo newspaper, acting as a propaganda tool, amplified his speech, highlighting key phrases for emphasis. These bolded sections were drilled into Koreans by teachers, patriotic groups, and employers, forcing them to internalize Koiso’s distorted narrative.

Koiso’s vision was not just a form of cultural erasure—it was a deeply arrogant and delusional project to rewrite history itself. His attempt to impose Shinto worship and a fabricated Japanese identity on Koreans was not just oppressive; it was a direct attack on the dignity and spirit of the Korean people.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) January 16, 1944

Japanese and Koreans Share the Same Ancestry and Roots

The Origins of Korean History are Found in the Nihon Shoki

Governor-General Speaks to Drafted Students for the Third Time

On January 13th, Governor-General Koiso delivered a lecture to the principals of private middle schools who were attending the Leadership Training Institute of the Yongsan Governor-General’s Office. On January 14th, he addressed the elementary school principals who were attending the Educational Research Institute in Samcheong-dong. Accompanied by Secretary Kobayashi and Training Section Chief Takeuchi, Koiso traveled a considerable distance to arrive at the First Volunteer Soldier Training Center in Nohae-myeon (노해면, 蘆海面), Yangju County, at 3:30 PM on January 15th.

There, he once again addressed the second group of drafted students, who had enthusiastically responded to the conscription summons. With a familiar and gentle demeanor, he elaborated on the theory of 'Japanese and Koreans sharing the same ancestry and roots,' drawing upon classical texts, and emphasized that they needed to be penetrated by the essence of the National Body. As the third year of the decisive war began, the Governor-General’s continuous efforts over these three days to convey a grand vision and underscore the need to be penetrated by the essence of the national body demonstrated nothing less than his profound determination to stand at the forefront of enlightening the 25 million people of the Korean Peninsula. [Photo = The Governor-General giving a speech to the drafted students]

"The volunteer students have now taken their first step through the gates of this facility. However, reflecting on the fact that some of you did not initially choose to volunteer, I must admit that there were shortcomings on my part. Volunteering, by its nature, allows for freedom of choice in theory. Yet, in the context of this Holy War, which seeks to liberate Asia from Anglo-American exploitation and enable each nation to find its rightful place, there is no room for theoretical reasoning or abstract arguments. We must drive the Anglo-American forces out of Asia entirely! It is with this conviction that I used strong words to inspire you to rise to the occasion," Koiso stated.

Koiso went on, ‘While various circumstances may have contributed to the presence of those who did not volunteer, I feel that, as someone entrusted with the governance of Korea, my leadership and example have been insufficient. For young men, especially, strong and vigorous training is necessary, as is an environment filled with warmth and camaraderie. It was with this in mind that I brought you here to this training facility. Once your training is complete, your peers will be striving to navigate these difficult times, and I believe it is an act of kindness on my part, from my position, to guide you toward fulfilling the vital responsibilities of war. This conscription is not just for your benefit but also to take the lead in Korea's industrial development. By stepping forward as industrial warriors, I hope you will proudly and confidently pave the way for the nation’s progress. Here I will share with you some of my sentiments that I believe you will need."

With these words, he framed the discussion of Korea's governance policies, explaining the trajectory of the administration of Korea up to the present day. Each sentence of the Governor-General’s remarks calmed and steadied the spirits of the students, who had just concluded their entrance ceremony. He first highlighted the emergence of a fervent spirit of patriotism that had begun to rise across the peninsula around the end of last year.

It was stated that the governance of the Korean Peninsula up to the present day had been hindered by Chinese thought, Anglo-American thought, and finally, Communism. "Chinese thought replaced the corrupt Buddhism of the Goryeo era when the Joseon dynasty adopted Confucianism as its primary ideology. In their excessive admiration for all Chinese ideas, they obstructed Japanese governance. Next came Anglo-American thought in the form of Christianity, which was nothing more than an attempt to impose Anglo-American concepts of logic and morality. Behind it lay ambitions for exploitation, which found Japan's principle of universal equality distasteful. Following this was Communism," he explained.

He asserted that, while people in areas such as mainland Japan, Manchuria, and Northern China criticize the Korean people, their criticism does not do justice to the true essence of the Korean people. Rather, such criticisms stem from the lifestyle shaped over the 500 years of the Joseon dynasty. The true essence of the Korean people must be sought far back, tracing the origins of the Korean ethnic group, and this origin, it was clearly pointed out, is found in the Nihon Shoki. Before the students who listened intently, the theory of 'Japan and Korea sharing the same ancestry and roots' was presented with a powerful argument.

"If anyone were to oppose this view, they would be opposing what is clearly and explicitly written in the Nihon Shoki. Upon examining the true essence of the Korean people, it is evident that Japanese and Koreans share the same ancestry and roots. Although we have had to use the term 'Japanese-Korean Unification' lately, this was due to a lack of thorough investigation. We must strive to understand the culture brought forth by this shared heritage and grasp the essence of the National Body.

In doing so, we must consider what kind of spiritual and cultural framework our shared ancestors possessed. To truly understand the essence of the National Body, we must remember and reflect upon the principles laid out in the Three Divine Instructions: the Clarification of the National Body (Kokutai Meichō), the Sacred Mirror and Sacred Rice Ear (Saikyō Saiho), and the Divine Mirror and Eternal Boundary (Shinkyō Bankyō)."

The Governor-General proceeded to explain the profound philosophy of the Three Divine Instructions in a way that was easy to understand. The listening students, now in a state of serene attentiveness, etched each word deeply into their minds. He then continued, expounding on the spiritual principles contained within the philosophy of the Eight Deities' Shrine and encouraging the students to thoroughly study the Three Divine Instructions. He gently advised them, saying, "By fully mastering these teachings, you will be able to purge the harmful influences of the five centuries of Confucianism propagated during the Joseon dynasty, which have taken root in your spirits."

The Governor-General remarked, "If I had been able to convey these thoughts more earnestly and clearly a little earlier, I believe I could have guided you to an even happier state today." For this reason, on the previous night, and the night before that, he worked late into the night, passionately addressing those involved in education. He called for a thorough penetration by the essence of the National Body, which is rooted in the grand spiritual and cultural framework woven since the age of the gods, and fervently advocated for the establishment of a Righteous Korea.

Finally, he stated, "Let us set aside all past matters and face the present. Born as men, we must clearly grasp the ideals of the spirit. To live a life of indulgence without purpose is to render one’s existence meaningless. The meaning of life lies in fully being penetrated in the essence of the National Body and uniting with the ancestors who bequeathed this magnificent philosophy."

He added, "If the opportunity arises, I hope to visit you once again during your training and engage with you further. I believe you understand the aspirations I have for you—do you?" With a warm smile, he asked this of the students, to which they responded with a powerful "Yes!" Their enthusiastic reply resounded, marking the end of the Governor-General's two-hour-long address, after which he shared a meal with the trainees and departed the training facility at 6 PM.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年1月16日

内鮮は同祖同根

半島史の根源は『書紀』

総督、三度び徴用学徒に説く

十三日には龍山総督府指導者錬成所に入所中の私立中等学校長、十四日は三清町教学研修所に入所中の国民学校長にそれぞれ訓話を行った小磯総督は小林秘書官、竹内錬成課長を伴い十五日午後三時半長駆、楊州郡蘆海面の第一志願兵訓練所に来所。同日徴用のお召しに感激して馳せ参じた第二次徴用学徒に再び諄々と馴染み深い優しい面持で古典に則り内鮮同祖同根論を説き、国体本義の透徹を強調した。決戦三年が明けてこの三日間ぶっ続けで遠大な論旨をもち国体本義の透徹を説く総督はとりもなおさず半島二千五百万教化の陳頭に立つ至大な決意の現れでもあった。【写真＝徴用学徒に説く総督】

『いまや志願学徒は営門の中に第一歩を印することとなったが、諸子は志願するに至らなかったことに関し、一面観察するに、自分の至らなかった点もあると思う。志願なのであるから理論としては選択の自由が保留されているとも思われるが、米英の搾取から亜細亜を解放し、各民族をして各々そのところを得せしめる今次聖戦下にあっては一切の理窟、理論を抜きにして米英の勢力を亜細亜から駆逐しなければならないのであって、かく考えたればこそ小磯は強い言葉をもって諸子の奮起を促したのである。

諸種の環境から然らしむるとは謂え未志願者を出したこと、小磯乏しきながら朝鮮統理に任じ指導垂範の足らざるところがあったと思う。男子として特に若い青年として強健なる鍛錬も必要であり、人情たっぷりな雰囲気が必要と思い、諸子を本訓練所に入ってもらった。訓練を終えれば同僚が時局を乗り切るために努力するのであるから、諸子を戦争の要務に導くということがこれ小磯の立場から諸子にしむける親切心であろうと思って、ここに集まってもらった。徴用は諸子のためばかりではなく、半島の立地条件に伴い換言すれば朝鮮の産業的に立上らんとする勤務者の先陣を截って、我こそ産業戦士になりと堂々と闊歩してもらいたいためなのである。かくする者に必要と思われる胸中の一端を披瀝する』

と前提して朝鮮統治の方針を今日に至るまでの朝鮮統治の経緯を述べる総督の一句一句は入所式をいまさきに終えたばかりの学徒の気持を静かに落ち着かせ、先ず昨年末頃から半島に殉国の精神が澎湃として興った点を指摘。今日まで半島における総督政治を妨げたものに支那思想、米英思想、最後に共産主義があると述べ、『支那思想は高麗時代の腐敗した仏教に代るに李朝が儒教を主教とし支那の総ての思想に心酔した余りに日本の政治を妨害した。次が米英思想としてキリスト教があり、これは英米自己流の論理道徳を押しつけんとするに過ぎないものであって、その裏には搾取の野望が蔵されており、日本の一視同仁を快からず思った。これにつぐものに共産主義あり』と講述。

ここで朝鮮人の本質は内地の一部、満州、北支で非難されているが如きものでなく、この非難は李朝五百年に醸し出された今日よかれの生活が然らしめたと断定。朝鮮の本質こそは遠く朝鮮民族の根源に溯って探求され、この根源は日本書紀の中に求められると明確に指摘。内鮮同祖同根論が力強い論旨をもって熱心に耳を傾ける学徒の前に繰展げられた。

『これに反対するものがあれば日本書紀に明々白々に書いていることに反対することになる。朝鮮民族の本質を洗ってみるに内鮮同祖同根は明確である。今日内鮮一体と言わざるを得なかったのに之が究明の足らざるところがあった。我々は内鮮の持ち来った文化、国体の本義を把握する必要があると考える。然らば我々の祖先は如何なる精神文化体系を持っているかを考えねばならない。国体の本義を把握するのに我々の記憶せねばならないことは国体明徴、斎鏡斎穂、神鏡盤境の三神勅である』

総督は次々と三神勅の深淵なる哲理を判り易く説明。聴く学徒は今は澄んだ心境に一句一句を彫みこむのであった。更に語を継いで八神殿の哲理に含まれている精神を説き三神勅を究めることをすすめ、『之を究め尽くした時諸君の精神にはびこる李朝五百年の儒教が流した害毒を払拭出来る』と優しく悟し、

『このことをもう少し早くしんみりと語明すことが出来たとすれば諸子を今日よりもって幸福な境地に進ませたと思う』と語る総督はこのこと故前夜も、その前夜も夜遅くまで長時間に亘って先ず教育に携わっている者に対し、既に神代に織り成した偉大なる精神文化の体系に国体の本義を究め、道義朝鮮の確立を絶叫して来たのである。最後に、『今迄のことは水に流し世に処し、男と生れた以上、精神の理念を明かに把握せなばならない。酔生無死せばこの世に存在の意義はない。生存の意義は国体の本義に透徹することにあり、この雄大なる哲理を残した祖先に合一してゆくことにある』と述べ、『時機があれば諸君が在訓練中にもう一度訪れ諸子に接したい。諸子に期待している念願は判ったと思うが、判ったかね』と双頬を綻ばせて質せば応徴学徒は”ハイッ”と力をこめてこれに応えた。

かくして二時間に亘る訓話を終えた総督は同訓練所で夕食を摂り同六時過ぎ帰路についた。

Source: 키워드 검색 - 신문 검색 - 대한민국 신문 아카이브

Koreans faced up to 10 years in prison and 50,000 yen in fines for not submitting their personal platinum items to the Imperial Navy by Jan. 31, 1945

In the closing months of 1944, the Imperial Japanese Navy escalated its efforts to extract resources from Korea to fuel its war machinery. Initially, they encouraged Koreans to donate or sell their platinum items to support the production of warplanes. However, as the war situation became more desperate, the messaging shifted from voluntary contributions to mandatory requisitions backed by severe penalties, as evidenced in the following December 29, 1944 article from Keijo Nippo, the propaganda newspaper of the Imperial Japanese colonial regime which ruled Korea at the time.

13-year-old Yūko Yamagishi who was praised for donating her mother's platinum diamond ring to the Imperial Navy.

The government offered compensation of 90 yen for 1 monme (approximately 3.75 grams) of platinum, which would be roughly $2,000 USD in today's money. Yet, this apparent generosity is questionable. In the same breath, the article threatens up to 10 years of imprisonment and fines up to 50,000 yen (close to one million USD today) for anyone who fails to comply by the January 31, 1945 deadline. Such exorbitant fines cast doubt on whether the promised compensation was ever genuinely intended.

This stark shift contrasts sharply with previous campaigns, like the 1943 brass donation drive, where the emphasis was on selfless contribution without expectation of compensation. The propaganda newspaper Keijo Nippo were replete with stories glorifying private donations, embodying the spirit of sacrifice expected from all citizens in Korea at the time.

A poignant example is the October 13, 1944 article about 13-year-old Yūko Yamagishi, who innocently donates her mother's platinum diamond ring to the Imperial Navy. Portrayed endearingly, her actions were meant to model the ideal behavior the colonial regime sought from Koreans: to give freely to the military without expecting anything in return.

This tactic of using children in propaganda was a recurring theme in Imperial Japanese media. By highlighting such stories, the regime aimed to tug at the heartstrings of the populace, fostering a culture of unquestioning support and sacrifice to help Japan in its war against the US and Britain during WWII.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) October 13, 1944

She found the "Ring to Destroy the Enemy"!

"Please use it quickly," she said eagerly, as she donated it

A child's pure patriotism offering platinum

"One gram of platinum can sink an enemy battleship." This priceless resource was being mobilized entirely, without leaving a single speck behind, to destroy the ever-approaching enemy forces growing arrogant in their numbers. The platinum contribution campaign has accelerated, reaching the point of mandatory buybacks. However, there was one girl who provided a major impetus to those who were reluctant to part with their "last precious items" or dismissing their own contributions as "too small." She demonstrated her sincerity in supporting the production of spirit-imbued weaponry by offering up without hesitation a platinum diamond ring (worth 200 yen) that she had kept in a safe place. Stirred with a youthful fighting spirit, she reasoned, "If platinum is so essential for increasing aircraft production, I'm going to donate it instead of selling it!"

This patriotic young girl lived in Takezoe-chō (present-day Chungjeong-no), Seodaemun District, Seoul. Her name was Yūko Yamagishi (13 years old), the eldest daughter of Sadayoshi Yamagishi. She is currently a sixth-grader at Seodaemun Elementary School. Every time Yūko read the newspaper, she learned how crucial platinum was and how indispensable it was for increasing aircraft production. She thought, "Isn't there more platinum out there? Why won't the people who have platinum not offer it up sooner?" Then, she remembered that she had safely kept a small, beautiful platinum ring with a diamond that her mother had given her, saying, "You can wear this when you grow up."

Unable to remain still any longer, Yūko searched through the drawers of her cabinet, found the ring, and excitedly consulted her mother, Taka, saying, "Please let me donate this instead of selling it." Taka was deeply moved by her daughter's noble feelings and encouraged her, saying, "Thank you for saying that. Please donate it with your own hands."

Yūko wrote a letter of donation addressed to Colonel Matsumoto of the Naval Military Office, saying, "This ring may be small, but please accept it along with my heartfelt sincerity." She visited the head office of this newspaper on the 12th and entrusted her ring to the donation desk. [Photo: Yūko donating her platinum]

**Yūko's Letter to Colonel Matsumoto (unedited)**

Dear Colonel Matsumoto,

Through newspapers, I have learned that the decisive battle in the air, which will determine the fate of the Imperial Nation, is fast approaching. I also understood how important platinum is for increasing aircraft production. Then, I remembered the platinum diamond ring that my mother had given me. She told me, "Wear this when you grow up."

When I think of Tarawa, Makin, and Saipan Island, I can no longer remain idle. I want to donate this ring as quickly as possible to help in any way I can. When I told my mother about this, she wholeheartedly agreed. I wanted to bring it immediately, but I needed to go to school next Sunday, so I couldn't go myself. Instead, I have asked this one man that I know to deliver it on my behalf.

Please use this precious ring, which I have cherished, to build as many fine aircraft as possible and defeat the hated British and Americans. I earnestly pray for your success.

Banzai to the Japanese Air Force!

Sincerely,

Yūko Yamagishi,

Sixth-grader at Seodaemun Public School, Seoul

**Statement from Yūko's mother Taka**

"I brought this ring with me when I got married, but I gave it to my daughter when she said that she wanted it, and I had forgotten about it. Yesterday, she created a great fuss, rummaging through her desk and drawers, and when she finally found the ring, she shouted 'Platinum, platinum!' with joy. When I asked her what she was doing, she replied, 'I am going to donate this to make airplanes!' That was when I understood her intentions and felt overjoyed. Though it is such a small item, I hope my daughter's sentiments will contribute to the creation of great weaponry."

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) December 29, 1944

Platinum: Now Subject to Mandatory Purchase

Refusal May Lead to Imprisonment of Up to Ten Years

The voluntary purchase of platinum by the Navy Purchasing Agency and the Material Management Agency concluded successfully on November 30. However, in response to the current war situation, a new Governor-General's ordinance issued on December 5 mandates the compulsory acquisition of platinum. The important Material Management Agency has been designated as the purchasing authority to enforce this measure. We request that platinum submission be made through the Seoul city government, the Korean Federation of National Power (Seoul Branch), Patriotic Women's Association (Seoul Branch), and the Material Management Agency.

The platinum subject to compulsory acquisition includes privately owned platinum and platinum alloys, such as jewelry, ornaments, personal accessories, stationery, fixtures, or even scrap materials. Exceptions apply to items classified as national treasures or those personally granted by the Emperor, provided the recipient has obtained permission from the Governor to retain them.

The procedure for submission requires individuals to fill out appropriate forms or postcards with their address, name, item descriptions, and quantities, and send them to the Material Management Agency. Alternatively, collective submissions through patriotic groups, labor unions, or other organizations are permitted.

The acquisition period ends on January 31. Applications and submission of items must be completed by this date, except for certain items requiring substitutes. The standard price is set at 90 yen per monme (3.75 grams), while government-owned items are priced at 61 yen, 2 sen, and 5 rin.

Severe penalties are imposed for violations, including reselling or deliberately destroying platinum products, failing to submit an application by January 31, or refusing requests for collection by the agency. Such actions may result in imprisonment of up to ten years or a fine of up to 50,000 yen.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年10月13日

あった”撃敵の指輪”

早く使って下さいと勇んで献納

白金を捧ぐ幼きこの赤心

”白金一匁はよく敵戦艦を撃沈する”この尊い百金を一粒残さず根こそぎ動員し、量に驕りじりじりと迫って来る敵を撃滅しようと白金供出運動は一段と拍車を加え今や強制買上げとなったが、飛行機増産になくてはならぬ白金ならば売るよりも献納しましょうと幼い闘魂を沸かせて大切に仕舞ってあった白金ダイヤ入り指輪（二百円）を惜しげもなく捧げ魂のこもる兵器の増産に赤誠を示し”これだけは”とか”こんな小さな物は”と出し渋っている人達に大きな刺戟を与えた軍国少女がある。

京城府西大門区竹添町三丁目山岸貞良氏長女裕子さん（13）＝西大門国民校六年＝は新聞を読む度毎に白金が如何に重要であり、飛行機の増産になくてはならないということを知り、”白金は無いものだろうか、どうして持っている人達が早く出さないのだろうか”と考えているうちに何時かお母さんから大きくなったら使いなさいと戴いた小さな可愛いダイヤ入り白金の指輪を大切に仕舞っておいたことに気が付いた。もうじっとしていられなくなった裕子さんは箪笥の中から探し出し喜び勇んで売るよりも献納させて下さいと母親たかさんに相談した處、たかさんも娘の麗しい気持ちに胸が一ぱいとなり”よく言って呉れました、あなたの手で献納して下さい”と激励した。裕子さんは指輪は小さいが私の真心とともに是非受け取って下さいと海軍武官府松本大佐宛に献納文を綴り、これを添えて十二日本社を訪れ献納方寄託した。【写真＝白金献納の裕子さん】

（原文のまま）松本大佐さま、私は新聞で皇国の興廃がきまる航空決戦が間近かに迫り、飛行機増産の為に白金がどんなに大切であるかを知りました。そして私が大きくなった時お使いなさいといってお母さまからいただいた白金にダイヤのはいった指輪のあることに気がつきました。タラワ、マキン、サイパン島のことを思うとき私はもうじっとしていられません。一刻も早くこの指輪を献納してお役に立てたいと思ってそのことをお母さまに話すとお母さまも大賛成でした。早速持って行こうと思いましたが今度の日曜も学校があるので行けません。それで知り合いのおじちゃんに頼んでお届けします。どうか私が大切にしていたこの指輪でりっぱな飛行機を少しでもたくさん造って憎い米英をやっつけて下さい。お願いいたします。日本航空部隊バンザイ．．．京城府西大門国民学校六年生山岸裕子

母親たかさんは語る：”私が嫁入りするとき持って来ましたのですが、娘が欲しいというのでやってしまい忘れていました。それが昨日ですが一人でえらい騒ぎをしながら机や箪笥の中をひっかきまわし指環を探し出し”白金、白金”と大きな声で喜ぶのでどうしたのかと聞きますと、”これを献納して飛行機を造りましょう”と言うのではじめて判り嬉しく思いました。こんな小さなものですが娘の心が通じて立派な兵器に役立って戴ければと思っています。

京城日報 1944年12月29日

白金：今度は強制買上げ

拒絶すれば懲役十年以下

白金買上げは海軍武官府指定買上班と物資営団で任意買上げを行い、好成績に十一月三十日一応終了したが、更に現戦局に応じ五日附総督府令で白金の強制買上げを断行することになったので重要物資営団が買上げ機関となり買上げを強行することに決定。京城府、同聯盟、日婦京城支部、物資営団で供出を要望している。

強制買上の白金は業者の手持品を含む民間所有の白金若しくは白金合金を使用した装飾品、装身具、身辺品、文房具、什器又は其の屑等であるが国宝物又は御下賜品拝受者が特にその所持を希望し同知事の許可を受けたものは供出しなくてもよい。

供出の方法は適宜の用紙、郵便はがき等で住所氏名、型、個数を記入し営団に宛譲渡の申込をするか都合により愛国班、組合その他の団体で一括申込も差支えない。

買上げ期間は一月末日までに申込み現品も代替物を要する特別のもの以外は同日迄に供出する。価格は普通一匁九十円、官有物は六十一円二銭五厘である。

白金製品を転売したり故意に滅失したり一月末日迄に譲渡の申込をせぬ場合又は営団の引取り請求を拒絶した場合は十年以下の懲役又は五万円以下の罰金に処せられる。

Source: National Library of Korea Digital Archive

Korean Woman in Hanbok Detained by Imperial Police in 1944 Seoul for Wearing the "Wrong" Clothing in Violation of Wartime Attire Regulations

This photo, published by the colonial regime in 1944, captures a police encounter of a Korean woman with members of the Jongno General Uprising Committee's Youth Division during an air raid drill. The woman was accused of violating strict wartime attire regulations imposed by the Imperial Japanese authorities in Korea. These regulations were part of a broader effort to militarize civilian life and enforce a standardized "battle-ready" appearance among the population.

The Youth Division was an extension of the Jongno General Uprising Committee, which operated under the supervision of the Imperial police in Seoul. It was composed of younger members of local patriotic groups, or neighborhood cells, which the police routinely interacted with within their precincts. These groups often convened meetings to discuss loyalty to the empire and were tasked with parapolice activities, such as night patrols and enforcement of wartime regulations.

In this case, the police likely mobilized members of these neighborhood cells to patrol the streets of Jongno district and inspect the clothing of passersby. The Youth Division members, equipped with megaphones, stationed themselves at busy intersections and scrutinized the attire of pedestrians. Violators were detained, admonished publicly, and often photographed or reported to serve as a warning to others.

The woman in the photo was reportedly detained in Kōgane 4-Chōme (present-day Euljiro-4-ga) for wearing a chima dress that did not comply with the August 31 and September 22, 1943 regulations outlined in the Keijo Nippo. These regulations required chima dresses to meet specific wartime standards:

• Style: Chima dresses had to adopt a tubular design instead of the traditional flared shape.
• Sleeves: Sleeves needed to be narrow and short.
• Fasteners: String fasteners were prohibited and had to be replaced with buttons.

It is likely that the detained woman’s dress violated these rules, either because the dress had the traditional flared shape or because she was still using string fasteners. Such police encounters were intended to enforce compliance and instill a sense of urgency and discipline among civilians.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) August 9, 1944

How Compliant is Your Battle-Ready Attire?

The Jongno Uprising Committee Calls for Compliance

Eradicate Violators of Attire Regulations!

When it comes to wartime life marked by desperate air raids, vigilance begins with proper attire. Despite repeated and stern warnings from authorities via radio, newspapers, and street announcements, the situation in Seoul on the 8th—the Imperial Rescript Commemoration Day—was shocking. Violators of attire regulations flooded areas like Honmachi and Jongno, leaving officials speechless.

At the intersection of Kōgane 4-Chōme, during an air raid drill warning issued at 10 a.m., more than a hundred attire violators filled the streets within just 30 minutes. Traffic was temporarily halted, and they were admonished by Chief Warden Takekuma of the Honmachi Police Station, who sternly lectured them, "The enemy planes are drawing near overhead. Is your attire truly appropriate for this?"

There is now an urgent call for greater vigilance and proper attire maintenance among the general public. [Photo: Attire violator receiving a warning.]

To ensure every single Korean compatriot on is mobilized into combat readiness, the Jongno General Uprising Committee's Youth Division deployed 40 leaders across 15 police stations in high-traffic areas under the Jongno precinct on the morning of the 8th, starting at 7:30 a.m. They used microphones to loudly proclaim, "Air-raid attire is vital, and negligence is unacceptable!" stopping passersby in their tracks and leaving a deep impression. The key points of their lecture were as follows:

"At this decisive moment, upon which the rise or fall of the Imperial Nation depends, are you idly loafing about, consuming without contributing, avoiding conscription through scheming, or recklessly searching for nonessential goods? Have you become like [illegible] with [illegible], losing your soul to the darkness of such a life? ... [illegible] ... Gentlemen, ladies, what about your air-raid attire? Not wearing monpe or gaiters is not just a matter of formality. It is evidence of your lack of mental preparedness. If you recognize this as wrong, do not wait until tomorrow; correct it immediately, starting today."

Source 1: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1944-08-09/page/n3/mode/1up

Source 2: 키워드 검색 - 신문 검색 - 대한민국 신문 아카이브

Note 1: Much of the text from the microphone lecture was illegible due to the way the high-quality scan from the National Library of Korea was cut off at the edge. But I believe the illegible portion also includes an accusation that the attire violators are profit-seeking scoundrels worshipping liberal capitalism. 

Note 2: The Imperial Rescript Commemoration Day (大詔奉戴日, Taishō Hōtai-bi) was a nationwide patriotic observance established in January 1942 as part of Japan's wartime mobilization efforts during the Pacific War (referred to in Japan as the Great East Asia War, 大東亜戦争). It was tied to the anniversary of the declaration of war against the United States and the United Kingdom, marked by the issuance of the Imperial Rescript on Declaration of War on December 8, 1941. To commemorate this event, the 8th of every month was designated as a day of reflection and mobilization for the war effort.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年8月9日

あなたの決戦服装は
鐘路蹶起委員会が呼かく
服装違反者を一掃

空襲必死の決戦生活はまず敏活な服装から。当局がラジオや新聞や街頭放送に口をすっぱくしての厳重な注意にもかかわらず八日大詔奉戴日の京城府内には本町といわず鐘路といわず服装違反者の氾濫ぶりに係官を唖然たらしめた。

訓練警報発令中の黄金町四丁目交叉点の午前十時から僅々三十分間に百余名の服装違反者が街頭にあふれ、一時通行停止を喰って『敵機は頭上に迫っている。きみ達の服装はそれでよいのか』と武隈本町署保安主任の厳重な説諭を受けた。一般府民の今一層の緊張と服装整備が要望されている。【写真＝注意をうける服装違反者】

半島同胞一人残らず戦闘配置につかしめるため、鐘路総蹶起委員会青年部では大詔奉戴日の八日午前七時半から鐘路署管内で交通の輻輳している地域の交番十五ヶ所に幹部四十名を動員。”防空服装は、闇は”とマイクを通じて絶叫、通行府民の足をとどめ、耳をそばたたせ多大の感銘を与えた講演要旨次の通り。

『皇国の興廃をかけた決戦に際しブラブラ遊んで徒食しながら徴用をのがれんとしてあくせくしたり、ないものを買い漁って足を[illegible]のように[illegible]闇の生活に魂を失ったものはありませんか。[illegible]男の方、女の方、あなたは防空服装はどうしましたか。モンペや脚絆をつけないことは形式の問題ではありません。あなたの心の緊張を失った証拠です。悪いと思ったら明日といわず今日直ちに直して下さい』

In 1941, Tokyo officials forcibly settled 1,400 Koreans into an unsanitary slum with no kitchens or bathrooms, and brainwashed them with Imperialist ideology in neighborhood cells enforcing mandatory morning worship of the Emperor

This news article from 1942 highlights the Imperialist ideological indoctrination that was imposed on a small Korean neighborhood in Edagawa, Tokyo, which got its start in 1941 when approximately 1,400 Korean residents of Tokyo were forcibly relocated from areas earmarked for sports venues of the canceled 1940 Olympics. The Tokyo city government constructed 230 basic housing units—effectively barracks—on barren reclaimed land. These units lacked essential facilities such as kitchens, bathrooms, or toilets. The area itself was inhospitable, surrounded by garbage incinerators, disinfection facilities, and poor drainage systems. Frequent flooding and unsanitary conditions compounded the struggles of the residents. However, this propaganda news article from 1942 mentions none of this. Instead, it waxes positively about how the residents are organized into 22 neighborhood cells (tonari-gumi) that enforce ideological indoctrination, such as adherence to mandatory religious rituals such as the 7 am Kyūjō Yōhai ritual (宮城遥拝) which involved deeply bowing several times in the direction of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo while standing, vowing loyalty to the Emperor. The Koreans would have already been familiar with this ritual, because under Imperial Japanese colonial rule, everyone in Korea was required to perform it, with loud sirens reminding everyone to stop what they are doing to perform the prayers. The residents would have also performed the mandatory daily noon prayer, which was a moment of silence in honor of fallen Imperial Japanese soldiers. 

Doctor seeing patients at a clinic in the Edagawa Korean neighborhood.

The settlement house in Edagawa, or 隣保館 (Rinpokan), was established ostensibly to support the forcibly relocated Korean population, providing them with a medical clinic, a cooperative store, childcare facilities, and baths. However, it appears that the house served more as a mechanism for assimilation and control, promoting "imperialization" among Korean residents, pushing them to adopt Japanese language and customs under the guise of welfare and social improvement. This mirrored broader efforts in colonial Korea, where Koreans were integrated into the Aegukban (Patriotic Groups)—neighborhood cells modeled on Japan’s wartime tonari-gumi (neighborhood units). These neighborhood cells, comprising about ten households each, facilitated wartime mobilization, resource control, and ideological indoctrination. The cells also imposed surveillance and compliance, fostering an environment of coercion and control.

The settlement house itself became a physical and symbolic extension of Imperial Japan’s colonial dominance. While framed as a space for welfare, it functioned as a tool for assimilation, control, and the promotion of imperialist ideologies. Forcibly displaced and subjected to poor living conditions, the residents of Edagawa navigated a life shaped by both systemic neglect and the relentless pressures of Japanese imperialization.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) September 8, 1942

Towards True Imperialization

Young Koreans are growing up

Two Hundred Families Like One Big Household

The Korean Community in the Imperial Capital: The Edagawa Town Settlement House in Fukagawa Ward (2)

About fifty or sixty children with bobbed hair, wearing playful suspenders or simple polka-dotted clothes, stood neatly in ten vertical rows, their cute small hands stretched out inside the newly built wooden-scented auditorium.

"Everyone, we will now bow reverently toward the Imperial Palace where His Majesty the Emperor resides. Show your deepest respect!"

At the command of Director Ikeda, the children solemnly performed a graceful and heartfelt bow in unison.

This is the Edagawa municipal housing complex in the reclaimed land of Fukagawa Ward, stretching out towards the distant sea. It is home to approximately 1,400 Koreans living across 200 households.

Just recently in July, the Tokyo Prefectural Concordia Association established this facility, which is the only settlement house in the Imperial Capital exclusively for Koreans. In just over a month, the residents have embraced it as an extension of their homes, a sanctuary of peace, and a foundation for their lives, making full use of its facilities.

Modern amenities such as a medical clinic, a cooperative store, childcare facilities, and baths have been implemented through the devoted efforts of Director Yakushiji, celebrated as a paternal figure to the Koreans, and a staff of ten. These facilities directly improve the residents' quality of life while also serving as a platform for fostering the Japanese spirit. They play a vital role in promoting the movement for "true imperialization" with relentless vigor.

Director Ikeda shared: "There are twenty-two neighborhood cells here. We emphasize gathering women at regular meetings to teach them the profound spiritual values of the Japanese family. But the most promising are the youth and children."

Centered in Edagawa Town, a youth group exclusively for Koreans has been organized, boasting about 100 members. Their unity is so strong that they even have a brass band. The group actively participates in donation drives, labor service activities, and home-front support movements with commendable zeal.

From somewhere nearby, the chorus of the "Patriotic March" could be heard. The bright red and white Japanese flag atop the vividly painted building began to flutter in the cool sea breeze.

[Photo: The medical clinic within the settlement house building]

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1942-09-08/page/n2/mode/1up

[Transcription]

京城日報 1942年9月8日

真の皇民化へ

若き半島は育つ

宛ら一家の二百世帯

帝都の半島色：深川枝川町隣保館（２）

おませなズボン吊りや、水玉模様の簡単服をつけたおかっぱさんが五六十人、木の香も新しい講堂に、可愛いお手手をツンと伸ばして十列縦隊…

『皆さん、これから天皇陛下の在します宮城に向かって遥拝をいたしましょう。最敬礼っ！』

池田主任の号令でひそっと心ひきしめ可憐な最敬礼の一ときである。

ここは、はるかに海につづく深川埋立地の市営枝川住宅―約一千四百名の半島同胞が二百の世帯を営んでいる。

半島出身者の生活向上を目ざし東京府協和会がここに帝都唯一の半島者のみの隣保館を開設したのは、ついこのあいだ―七月のことだが、わずか一ヶ月余の日子のあいだに、住民たちは、ここをわが家の延長として馴染み、心の安息所、生活のよりどころとして百パーセントに活用するようになった。診療室、購買部、保育室、入浴室等々の近代的設備は、半島人の父として高名な薬師寺館長はじめ十名の職員の献身的努力により、直接的には住民の生活改善の原動力となり、ひいては日本精神昂揚の運動として展開され、真の皇民化運動にたゆまざる拍車をかけつつあるのだ。

池田主任は語る：『ここには二十二の隣組があり、その常会には、つとめて婦人をあつめ、日本家庭の深淵な精神生活を説くようにしていますが、しかし頼母しいのはやはり、青年と子供ですね』

枝川町を中心に、半島出身者のみの青年団が組織され、約百名の団員の結束は立派なブラスバンドさえ持って、献金運動、勤労奉仕の銃後運動等々に、真先かけての敢闘をつづけているという。

どこからか『愛国行進曲』の合唱…ペンキの色あざやかな建物の上の大日章旗が涼しい海風にはためき出した。【写真＝隣保館内の診療所】

The Edagawa Korean neighborhood evolved further in the postwar era. Following Japan’s defeat in World War II, many Koreans returned to the Korean Peninsula. However, a significant number remained in Edagawa, joined by Japanese residents who moved into the area. Over time, the community faced neglect from municipal authorities, with the Tokyo administration halting essential services such as repairs and waste management. Left with no choice, the residents undertook self-funded efforts to improve their living conditions, building drainage systems and maintaining infrastructure through communal labor.

In 1949, a theft investigation in the Edagawa Korean neighborhood escalated into rioting and clashes between local authorities and Korean residents, resulting in arrests and trials in an event known as the Edagawa incident. 

In preparation for the 1964 Tokyo Olympics, the government took modest steps to integrate Edagawa into the broader urban landscape. Residents, both Korean and Japanese, collaborated to establish shared spaces, including the Chōnichi Children's Park (朝日児童公園). Symbolically named with characters representing both "Korea" and "Japan," the park became a testament to the spirit of coexistence. This period also marked the establishment of institutions such as Tokyo Korean Second Elementary School (東京朝鮮第二初級学校), which provided education rooted in Korean cultural heritage.

By the late 20th century, Edagawa had evolved into a unique neighborhood blending Korean and Japanese cultures. Newcomers from South Korea also contributed to the community's transformation. Institutions like the Edagawa Love Church (枝川愛の教会), established 26 years ago, became centers of cultural exchange. However, as the demographics shifted and historical memory faded, fewer people remained aware of the origins of Edagawa as a community forged through resilience.

Today, Edagawa retains remnants of its storied past, with dilapidated two-story buildings and barracks serving as silent witnesses to the struggles and achievements of its residents. However, gentrification and urban redevelopment have brought change. Proximity to bustling areas like Toyosu underscores the contrast between modern high-rises and the historical core of Edagawa. Efforts continue to preserve the history of Edagawa. Educators, community leaders, and historians are working to document the neighborhood’s heritage, ensuring that future generations remember the sacrifices and resilience of those who built it. 

Link: Edagawa's history as recorded by the Edagawa Korean language classroom

How the war criminals of Imperial Japan shaped modern South Korean politics and business: the pro-Japanese legacy that Kishi, Sasakawa, and Kodama left behind in Korean conservatism

As a Japanese blogger posting content about Imperial Japan's colonization of Korea, I have been following the latest news coming out of South Korea and noticed the dismay that many Korean citizens have about the "pro-Japanese" nature of their conservative politicians. By "pro-Japanese," they refer to the way Korean conservative politicians are deferential toward Japanese politicians in matters of historical disputes, economic collaboration, and security agreements.

This deferential stance is often seen in the handling of contentious historical issues, such as the acknowledgment of wartime and colonial atrocities and abuses, reparations for victims of forced labor and sexual slavery, and the preservation of Japan's national narrative over these events. Furthermore, it is reflected in agreements or compromises that seem to prioritize Japan’s strategic and diplomatic interests over addressing long-standing grievances held by South Korean citizens. These actions have often left a significant portion of the Korean populace feeling that their leaders are neglecting national dignity and justice in favor of maintaining close ties with Japan.

In this post, I'm going to tell a narrative to partly answer the question as to why these "pro-Japanese" tendencies persist in the Korean conservative movement in Korea, including some links with sources for further reading. This is by no means a comprehensive answer, but I hope this post becomes a resource to gather much of the relevant historical information about this issue in one place. In this narrative, I trace how Kishi Nobusuke organized former war criminals and other prominent former Imperial Japanese government and military officials to reconstitute as much of the former Imperial Japanese regime as possible in the post-war environment, then exert influence in Korea. Others have posted more detailed information online which explain how Kishi and his successors came to dominate the Liberal Democratic Party and Japanese politics, but in this post, I will focus more on the interactions that Kishi's associates had with Korean government officials and businessmen over the decades to exert power and influence over South Korea in the postwar era. Through this exploration, I hope to provide readers with a deeper understanding of why these pro-Japanese tendencies persist in Korea and what it reveals about the ongoing impact of Imperial Japan’s colonial legacy in Korea. 

We will begin this narrative in 1940's defeated post-war Japan, ravaged by World War II and occupied by Allied forces. The Americans have imprisoned the class A war criminals at Sugamo Prison. However, other war criminals were released once the Americans decided that they could become useful anti-Communist leaders of postwar Japan. Among the released war criminals was Kishi Nobusuke, a key architect of Imperial Japan's wartime economy. Kishi emerged from Sugamo Prison in the post-war years with a renewed ambition: to reconstitute as much of the old Imperial Japan as possible. He was emboldened by his observation that the Americans did not care what his true political beliefs were, as long as he was a staunch anti-Communist. Imprisoned as a suspected Class A war criminal, Kishi befriended two fellow war criminals who would become instrumental to his vision—Ryoichi Sasakawa and Yoshio Kodama. Together, these men cultivated a network that blended political influence, corporate ambition, and organized crime to reshape Japan’s role in East Asia.

In wartime Japan, Sasakawa was the founder and leader of the National Essence League (国粋同盟), one of the most extreme right-wing political organizations in Imperial Japan. Sasakawa admired Benito Mussolini and modeled his organization on Italian Fascist principles, even visiting Nazi Germany and fascist Italy in 1939. While he held a position as a Diet parliament member, Sasakawa spent much of the war giving motivational speeches to the Imperial Army and the general public across the Empire to boost war morale. In his remarks during one visit to Korea in 1943, he encouraged leaders to "punch Koreans with an iron fist" if they seemed unsteady and unfocused (ふらふら), claiming that such actions were acts of love (可愛ければこその鉄拳である) necessary to bring them back in line. This philosophy aligned with the broader Imperial Japanese military culture, which heavily relied on corporal punishment. In this way, he normalized the physical abuse of Koreans and rationalized it as an act of tough love to mold the Koreans into 'true Japanese people'. 

While incarcerated at Sugamo Prison, Sasakawa kept a detailed diary that highlighted his belief in aligning Japan with a pro-American, anti-communist stance. During his time at Sugamo Prison, he worked tirelessly to improve the treatment of prisoners, earning respect from both high-ranking war criminals and lower-tier detainees. Sasakawa famously referred to Sugamo Prison as his “ultimate university,” a place where he built relationships that later connected him to Japan’s post-war establishment.

Sasakawa later supported the controversial Unification Church founder Sun Myung Moon in his anti-communist activities. From 1968 to 1972, Sasakawa was the honorary president and patron of the Japanese branch of the International Federation for Victory over Communism (Kokusai Shōkyō Rengō), which forged intimate ties with Japan's conservative politicians. Allen Tate Wood, a former top American political leader of the Unification Church of the United States, recalled his surprise upon hearing Sasakawa telling an audience, referring to himself, "I am Mr. Moon’s dog."

Kodama, who was designated as the "fixer" by Kishi, utilized his connections to play a pivotal role in normalizing Japan-South Korea relations in 1965. Following the normalization treaty, Kodama frequently visited South Korea, where he liaised with members of Park Chung-hee’s administration, serving as a fixer for Japanese corporations and the yakuza. Kodama’s influence facilitated the inflow of $500 million in reparations and economic aid from Japan, which jump-started South Korea’s industrial development and created lucrative opportunities for Japanese businesses.

One of Kishi’s most significant collaborations was with Ryuzo Sejima, a former Imperial Army officer turned corporate strategist. Sejima, who survived 11 years as a Soviet prisoner of war, joined Kishi in forging the Japan-South Korea Cooperation Committee, which solidified ties between the two nations. This committee laid the groundwork for deep economic and political collaboration, with figures like Sejima serving as trusted intermediaries.

The normalization of relations between Japan and South Korea in 1965, made possible by a partnership between Kishi and South Korean dictator Park Chung-hee, was not merely a diplomatic milestone; it was a strategic alignment against the shared threat of communism. The reparations package and subsequent economic cooperation enabled Japanese firms to enter the Korean market, further intertwining the two countries’ fates. Park Chung-hee, a former officer in the Japanese-controlled Manchukuo Army, shared ideological and personal ties with Kishi and his associates. Park preferred to surround himself with fellow Imperial Army academy graduates, such as Paik Sun-yup, a decorated hero of the Korean War but a controversial figure due to his earlier service in the Gando Special Force of the Imperial Japanese Army in Manchuria from 1943 to 1945. Paik was also involved in putting down the Yeosu-Sunchon Rebellion (거수·순천 사건) of October 1948, a brutal operation marked by ransacking, raping, and killing of civilians, with many of the soldiers still wearing old Japanese army uniforms. This choice of associates reflected Park's reliance on figures who, like himself, shared a connection to Japan’s colonial and military institutions. 

The predominance of pro-Japanese sentiments within South Korea’s conservative elite can be traced back to the early days of Syngman Rhee’s presidency. Rhee, whose domestic support base was weak, was forced to rely on collaborators with Imperial Japan to staff key positions in the police and military. The South Korean army, for instance, was largely founded and commanded by former officers of the Japanese military, while the police force was similarly dominated by those who had served under the colonial administration. This extended to other sectors as well, including the judiciary, media, education, culture, and religion. While Rhee himself cannot be described as pro-Japanese, the pillars of his government overlapped significantly with individuals who had thrived during Japan’s colonial rule.

The Special Committee for Prosecution of Anti-National Activities, established in October 1948 to address collaboration during the colonial period, was quickly dismantled after just over a year of activity. Although the committee compiled a list of approximately 7,000 alleged collaborators and arrested some prominent figures, its efforts were suppressed by the very police force that included former colonial officials. The committee’s offices were raided, effectively curbing its operations. [Source: Asahi Webronza Article]

The narrative of South Korea’s conservative elite shifted after independence. Their justification for maintaining power and influence centered on staunch anti-communism, pro-Americanism, and conservatism. Many former collaborators, once aligned with Japan, rapidly recast themselves as pro-American defenders of South Korea’s nascent democracy. In the context of a fierce Cold War rivalry with North Korea, this repositioning allowed them to frame their actions as vital for the survival of the state, rather than remnants of colonial oppression.

During the postwar period, Kishi and his allies cultivated relationships with South Korea’s emerging conservative elite, including Reverend Sun Myung Moon and business magnates such as Samsung’s Lee Byung-chul and POSCO’s Park Tae-joon. Lee Byung-chul’s business empire had its origins during the colonial era in Korea, with the establishment of Samsung Sanghoe in Daegu on March 1, 1938, initially focused on exporting dried fish and apples. His business success during this period likely would not have been possible without at least some collaboration with Imperial Japanese authorities. Samsung continues to exert significant political influence in conservative circles to this day. For example, The People’s Power party recruited Koh Dong-jin, an adviser to Samsung Electronics, ahead of the April 10 general elections in 2024. 

Sejima played an instrumental role in shaping South Korea’s export-driven economy by advising on the establishment of trading companies and industrial giants. His insights were so valued that employees at Samsung Group organized book clubs around the Japanese novel Fumou Chitai (The Wasteland), whose protagonist was modeled after Sejima.

Another key contact for Kishi's associates was Kim Jong-pil, head of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) and a close associate of Park Chung-hee. Kim’s support for the Unification Church, led by Reverend Moon, exemplified his efforts to consolidate a conservative, anti-communist bloc within South Korea. Notably, Kim, along with Park Chung-hee and Park Tae-joon, spoke Japanese so fluently that a Japanese diplomat once remarked that they seemed indistinguishable from native Japanese speakers. Additionally, Kim’s brother held secret discussions in Japan with Ichiro Kono, leading to an agreement to leave the contentious Takeshima/Dokdo issue unresolved, encapsulated by the phrase “settlement by not settling.”

Sejima’s deep connection with South Korea is evident in his memoir Many Mountains and Rivers (Ikuzanga), published in 1995. Sejima praised former President Park Chung-hee as “a self-disciplined leader with profound insight and leadership,” and expressed special respect for Lee Byung-chul, the founder of Samsung, calling him “a revered senior, brother, and teacher.” Through Lee Byung-chul, Sejima also forged ties with former Presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo.

Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, both military generals-turned-presidents who succeeded Park Chung-hee after his assassination in 1979, admired Sejima as a senior officer and respected his strategic insights. Chun Doo-hwan, in particular, felt that defending the Korean Peninsula from the North Korean threat was not solely South Korea's burden but a shared responsibility with Japan. Chun argued that Japan, given its proximity and vested interests in regional stability, should actively contribute to South Korea’s defense capabilities. This stance led Chun to push for economic and military support from Japan, framing it as essential for the collective security of East Asia. These appeals resonated with Japanese leaders, who viewed a stable and anti-communist South Korea as a crucial buffer against Northern aggression.

A key episode highlighting Sejima's close connections with South Korean leadership was his meeting with Kwon Ik-hyun, a prominent member of the Democratic Justice Party with strong ties to Samsung. In December 1982, acting as a special envoy for Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, Sejima met Kwon Ik-hyun at Gimhae Airport for a secret meeting. The two reached a fundamental agreement to resolve the strained Japan-South Korea relations caused by issues such as Japan's history textbook controversies and economic cooperation loans. This agreement paved the way for Yasuhiro Nakasone's official visit to South Korea, aimed at resetting bilateral ties. Kwon, known for his strategic thinking and influence within South Korea’s conservative elite, worked closely with business magnates like Lee Byung-chul to align political and corporate interests. Through Kwon, Sejima was able to deepen his understanding of South Korea’s economic and political dynamics, further solidifying the partnership between Japanese and Korean elites. 

Yasuhiro Nakasone's historic visit to Seoul in 1983 marked a new phase of Japan-South Korea cooperation. Behind the scenes, Sejima’s quiet diplomacy helped negotiate key economic loans that funded South Korea’s infrastructure, including the Seoul subway and power plants, while advancing Japan’s regional interests. This allowed Japan to influence South Korea’s political and economic trajectory in the 1980's, culminating in events like the 1988 Seoul Olympics, which bolstered South Korea’s global standing.

The historical legacy of this network resurfaced in later years when Park Chung-hee's daughter, Park Geun-hye, served as President of South Korea. In a poignant moment of historical significance, she met with Shinzo Abe, the grandson of Kishi Nobusuke, in 2015 during her presidency. This meeting resulted in an agreement intended to “finally and irreversibly” settle the contentious issue of comfort women. As part of the agreement, the Japanese government pledged $9 million to a fund for the surviving victims. For Japanese conservatives, this relatively small sum was seen as a way to put the darker aspects of Imperial Japan’s past to rest permanently, effectively allowing them to bury the history of wartime atrocities and abuses without further scrutiny. They viewed this as a significant political victory, expressing gratitude to South Korea’s conservative leadership for facilitating such a resolution. Indeed, Korean conservatives honored this agreement by refraining from criticizing Japan on the comfort women issue at a recent UN conference discussing women's human rights issues.

This 2015 meeting between Park and Abe also symbolized the enduring influence of their respective family legacies in shaping Japan-South Korea relations. The interaction highlighted how the ideological and political frameworks established by Kishi and Park Chung-hee have continued to influence the bilateral dynamics between the two nations.

So what now? How is this relevant to the present? Many of the politicians and businessmen mentioned in this post have descendants and proteges who continue to carry on their legacy and dominate Korean conservative politics today. For instance, Paik Sun-yup’s daughter, Paik Nam-hee (백남희), recently established the Paik Sun-yup Memorial Foundation, describing it as "an organization of hope that consoles the hearts of the victims of the Korean War and their bereaved families." This foundation portrays her father’s career in the most favorable light while omitting references to his controversial actions. Similarly, Samsung remains a family-run enterprise, with the founder Lee Byung-chul’s grandson now serving as its chairman, perpetuating the legacy of its founder. 

The People’s Power Party of Korea today has strong incentives to safeguard the reputations of their predecessors, actively avoiding any revelations that might tarnish their image. This includes downplaying or suppressing colonial history, as such scrutiny could expose uncomfortable truths about Korean collaborators during the Imperial Japanese colonial period. As long as the collaborators and their descendants retain influence, a comprehensive and honest examination of Korea’s colonial and Cold War history may remain out of reach.

Ultimately, the neo-Imperialist ambitions of Kishi Nobusuke and his allies were not a direct attempt to restore Imperial Japan but rather to secure Japan’s position as a regional leader in the Cold War context. Through alliances with figures like Park Chung-hee, Chun Doo-hwan, and South Korea’s business elite, they leveraged historical ties and strategic interests to reshape East Asia. Today, their legacy remains deeply embedded in the political and economic structures of Japan-South Korea relations, for better or worse.

Japanese colonial masters were told to ‘love’ their Korean subjects by punching them ‘Bam!’ with an ‘iron fist’ if they became ‘unsteady and unfocused’ during their rigorous training to cultivate the ‘Japanese Spirit’ (Sasakawa remarks, Seoul 1943)

During World War II, in colonial Korea, guest speakers from mainland Japan frequently visited to give speeches aimed at boosting morale and reinforcing loyalty to Imperial Japan. These speakers were often staunch Imperialist ideologues whose words were crafted to inspire support for the war effort. Among them was Ryōichi Sasakawa, the founder and leader of the National Essence League (国粋同盟), one of the most extreme right-wing political organizations in wartime Japan. Sasakawa admired Benito Mussolini and modeled his organization on Italian Fascist principles.

Portrait of Sasakawa in August 1943 article.

At the end of World War II, Sasakawa, along with Kishi Nobusuke (Shinzo Abe's grandfather) and Kodama Yoshio, were classified as Class A war criminals and imprisoned at Sugamo Prison after Japan's defeat. However, they were later released by the Allies due to his staunch anti-communism. Sasakawa, Kishi, and Kodama became key players in the political landscape of post-war Japan, continuing their careers as unreformed Imperialists to try to reconstitute as much of the old Imperial Japan as possible in the post-war environment. Among other things, Sasakawa also played a key role in establishing a relationship between the Unification Church of Reverend Moon and the ruling Liberal Democratic Party of post-war Japan (this is probably a topic that deserves its own post).

The article shared here offers a glimpse into Sasakawa's 1943 visit to China and Korea. While he held a position as a Diet parliament member, Sasakawa spent much of the war giving motivational speeches to the Imperial Army and the general public across the Empire to boost war morale. In his remarks during this visit, he encouraged leaders to "punch Koreans with an iron fist" if they seemed unsteady and unfocused (ふらふら), claiming that such actions were acts of love (可愛ければこその鉄拳である) necessary to bring them back in line. This philosophy aligned with the broader Imperial Japanese military culture, which heavily relied on corporal punishment. In this way, the physical abuse of Koreans was normalized in Imperial Japanese culture and rationalized as an act of tough love to mold the Koreans into 'true Japanese people'. 

Interestingly, this physically abusive training style found favor with figures like Park Chung-hee, the late South Korean dictator, who was trained as an Imperial Army officer during the war. Park even approvingly referred to such harsh methods as ビンタ教育. In this context, it would seem that, as the dictator, Park played a key role in nurturing the culture of physical abuse that was pervasive in the South Korean military at the time.

In addition to Sasakawa's visit, I have included other articles from the same newspaper page that shed light on the broader context. One details the "training" of Koreans in various dojos across Japan, such as Tokyo and Fujisawa, where they were subjected to similar physical discipline to mold them into 'true Japanese people.' The fact that the colonial regime went through the trouble and expense of relocating them to mainland Japan for training strongly suggests that these dojos were meant to 'train the trainers', so that the graduates would go back to Korea as senior teachers to mold generations of Koreans into 'true Japanese people'.  Another describes a propaganda lecture by a less prominent Imperial Army officer who visited Manchuria and Seoul. These lectures were often free to ensure mass attendance.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) August 10, 1943

Relentless Drive Without Reasoning: Diet Member Sasakawa Speaks Cheerfully

"One must become a fanatic for patriotism and love for others, otherwise it is useless. Once you achieve this state, you become impervious to the heat, the cold, and neither praise nor criticism will matter. Farmers can till their fields, and merchants can conduct their trade without distractions." With these words, Diet member and head of the National Essence League, Ryōichi Sasakawa, passionately struck the table with his fan, his eyes flashing brightly. Returning from an inspection tour of Central and Northern China to promote the "Yamamoto Spirit," Sasakawa entered the city on the 6th and spoke on the 9th at the Hantō Hotel, under the blazing afternoon sun.

"I am delighted that Korea has finally introduced a conscription system and that the Navy's special volunteer system will be implemented. This is good news. Once it is fully operational, the theory of Japanese-Korean Unification will no longer be reversible. Government and civilians alike must act as one, with words and actions in perfect alignment. I met with both the Governor-General and the Director-General, and they were already out working by 7 a.m. That is how it must be. Their enthusiasm was evident. Words and actions must be consistent. The people must be inspired to take action. Bureaucrats must not worry about saving face. There is no room for reasoning. Only with this mindset can we achieve increased production, training, and ultimately serve the nation. Overcomplicating things is unnecessary. To win, we must set reasoning aside. If we get bogged down by logic, we will fail to act," Sasakawa said, striking his knee with his fan.

His fan bore the words, "Thunder is the music of the heavens, earthquakes are the dance of the earth, everything is to be enjoyed," written by himself. He continued, "The guidance of our Korean compatriots requires great effort and strength. Even in daily training, forging the spirit is essential. Without a firm and unyielding stance of the spirit, one quickly becomes unsteady and unfocused. In such moments, a leader must 'Bam!' deliver a punch with an iron fist to restore their composure. This is an iron fist born out of love. By casting aside selfishness through this great love and strength, and by leading by example, the people can advance with unwavering resolve, dedicating themselves fully to increased production and rigorous training, moving forward with all their strength toward victory."

Like a Zen monk devoted to self-sacrifice and patriotic sincerity, Sasakawa slightly smiled, his eyes sparkling with determination.

Instilling the "Japanese Spirit"

Misogi Training for Korean Students in Japan

Tokyo Report – In order to fully instill the true "Japanese Spirit" into Korean students preparing to enter the job market in September, the Korean Scholarship Association has been organizing intensive training sessions in Mitaka Town, Tokyo; Ichinomiya Town, Gunma Prefecture; Fujisawa City, Kanagawa Prefecture; Ōta Town and Kashima Town, Ibaraki Prefecture. One such session at the Mitaka Town Prosperous Asia Training Dojo ran from the 7th to the 10th of last month, with thirty-five students participating in a rigorous training retreat. Under the guidance of Takayama Shaji, a priest of the Kugenuma Inari Shrine, and Takeo Amagawa, a kendo instructor from the Central Training Center for overseas compatriots who are originally from Jeollabuk-do, students engaged in four days of Misogi purification rituals, worship for twelve hours, six hours of lectures, three hours of martial arts practice, and nine hours of agricultural work each day.

A typical day's schedule began at 4:30 a.m. with the sound of clappers signaling wake-up, followed by a refreshing Misogi morning purification at Senkawa, surrounded by the greenery of Musashino. The distinct feature of this dojo's program is its emphasis on "purification through labor," or soil purification, promoted by Takayama Shaji, based on the spirit of Japan's ancient farming traditions. This method seeks to instill the true Japanese spirit through hands-on practice while strengthening war power under wartime conditions. It is evident that the training is closely tied to practical life. When asked about their experiences, a participating student remarked,

"Recently, sitting for long periods was quite painful, but as I became accustomed to it, I gradually came to understand the Japanese spirit through discipline. I also realized that Japan and Korea share a deep-rooted family-centered ethos since ancient times. This realization brought me great joy. I now understand that it is our duty to develop Korea’s family-oriented principles into a larger, family-centered framework."

Lecture by Major General Kaneko Teiichi

To Be Held at Seoul Citizens Hall on the 12th

While the Imperial Army continues relentless battles on land and sea against the demonic Anglo-American forces, our publication and the Maeil Sinbo newspaper have arranged for Major General Teiichi Kaneko, a former army officer and current member of the House of Representatives with deep ties to Korea, to participate in the Second Prosperous Asia Group Meeting in Shinkyō, Manchuria, on the 16th. On his return, he will deliver a lecture on the "Current and Final Stages of the World War" on the 22nd at 2 p.m. at Seoul Citizens Hall. Admission to this lecture will be free of charge.

500-Yen Donation Commemorating the Implementation of Conscription

On the 9th, Kawakami Hiroasa, the representative of the Cheondogyo Temple, visited the office of the Korean Federation of National Power to express gratitude for the implementation of conscription and presented a donation of 500 yen collected by members.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年8月10日

理窟抜きの驀進だ

笹川代議士朗らかに語る

『愛国愛人狂にならんと駄目。これになれば暑いことも寒いことも判らん。毀誉褒貶耳に入らずに農民は田を耕し商人は商売が出来るんだ』と、愛国の熱情を扇子と共にデンと卓に叩きつけた、国粋同盟総裁代議士笹川良一氏の目がきらりと光った。中支、北支を視察”山本魂”鼓吹行脚の帰途六日入城。宿舎半島ホテルで九日烈日の西陽を受けながら総裁は語るのだ。

『朝鮮も愈々徴兵制が布かれ、海軍特別志願兵制も実施されることになり嬉しい。良いことだ。これが出来上がれば内鮮一体論などはもう過去に翻すことになるのだ。官民一体、言行一致で行かなければならん。僕は総督にも、総監にも会ったが、御両人共に朝七時頃にはもう出掛けていた。これでなければいかんのだ。大いに張り切っとるね。言行一致だ。国民をして感奮興起せしめなければならん。役人は面子を考えてはいかん。理窟抜きだ。この気持ちになってこそ増産も錬成も出来、国家の為に尽くすことが出来るのだ。むずかしいことを言うてはいかん。勝ち抜くためには理窟は抜きだ。理窟を並べていては理窟倒れとなり実行は出来なのだ』と、膝をポンと叩いて総裁は扇子を開いて見せた。

それには『雷鳴りは天の音楽、地震は地球の舞踏、万事楽しむ』と自ら書いてあった。そしてまた『半島同胞の指導は大変と力を必要とする。日々の錬成にしても魂の錬成が必要だ。魂に不動の姿勢がなければすぐふらふらとなる。その時指導者はボカンと一つ鉄拳をくらわせばふらふらは立ち直る。可愛ければこその鉄拳である。この大愛と力でもって私心を去り率先垂範してこそ民衆は理屈抜きに勝ち抜くために増産へ錬成へ命がけで驀進出来るのだ』

滅私奉公、愛国の至誠に徹した禅坊主のような心境である総裁はきりっとしまった口元を微かに綻ばせ眸で笑った。

叩き込む”日本精神”

半島出身学生に禊の錬成

【東京電話】九月就職戦線に進出する半島出身学生に真の日本精神を体得せしむべく朝鮮奨学会では東京都三鷹町、群馬県一ノ宮町、神奈川県藤沢市、茨城県太田町同じく鹿島町などに同会主催の錬成会を開催している。その一つ三鷹町興亜錬成道場は去る七日から十日まで三十五名の学徒が合宿錬成にいそしんでいるが、鵠沼稲荷神社高山社司、全北道出身海外同胞中央錬成所剣道教師天川武雄氏指導の下に四日間を通じて禊、拝神十二時間、講話六時間、武道三時間、農耕九時間の日程である。

一日の日課はまず午前四時半拍子木の音とともに起床、武蔵野の緑に包まれた千川での清々しい暁の禊にはじまる。この道場の一特色は高山社司の主唱の下に我が国古来の農民精神を汲み、特に汗を通じての『禊』たる土の禊を強調している点で、実戦によって真の日本精神を体得させるとともに決戦下戦力増強につながる。真に生活に即した錬成を目指していることが、はっきりと看取される。右錬成参加の学生の体験を訊くと、

「最近は坐ることが非常に苦痛でしたが段々馴れるに従って日本精神が躾けながらわかって来ました。家族を中心とする点に於いて太古以来内鮮は共通したものを持っていることがわかり、こんな嬉しいことはありません。今後は朝鮮に於ける家族主義をより大きな家族中心へと発展させることがわれわれの努力すべき義務であるとわかりました」と語っていた。

金子定一少将の講演会

十二日府民館で

鬼畜米英を向かうに廻して皇軍は陸に海に日夜間断なき攻防戦を繰り返しているとき、本社及び毎日新報社では朝鮮に馴染み深い武人たる現衆議院議員金子定一陸軍少将が来る十六日より新京で開催する第二回興亜団体懇談会に出席し、帰途来城するのを機会に、来る二十二日午後二時より府民館で時局講演会を開催する。金子少将の演題は『世界大戦の現段階と最終段階』と決定。当日は入場無料である。

徴兵記念に五百円献金

九日、朝鮮聯盟事務局に天道教会代表教領川上広朝氏が訪れ、徴兵制実施に感激し会員が集金した五百円を献金。

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-08-10/page/n2/mode/1up