Koreans faced up to 10 years in prison and 50,000 yen in fines for not submitting their personal platinum items to the Imperial Navy by Jan. 31, 1945

In the closing months of 1944, the Imperial Japanese Navy escalated its efforts to extract resources from Korea to fuel its war machinery. Initially, they encouraged Koreans to donate or sell their platinum items to support the production of warplanes. However, as the war situation became more desperate, the messaging shifted from voluntary contributions to mandatory requisitions backed by severe penalties, as evidenced in the following December 29, 1944 article from Keijo Nippo, the propaganda newspaper of the Imperial Japanese colonial regime which ruled Korea at the time.

13-year-old Yūko Yamagishi who was praised for donating her mother's platinum diamond ring to the Imperial Navy.

The government offered compensation of 90 yen for 1 monme (approximately 3.75 grams) of platinum, which would be roughly $2,000 USD in today's money. Yet, this apparent generosity is questionable. In the same breath, the article threatens up to 10 years of imprisonment and fines up to 50,000 yen (close to one million USD today) for anyone who fails to comply by the January 31, 1945 deadline. Such exorbitant fines cast doubt on whether the promised compensation was ever genuinely intended.

This stark shift contrasts sharply with previous campaigns, like the 1943 brass donation drive, where the emphasis was on selfless contribution without expectation of compensation. The propaganda newspaper Keijo Nippo were replete with stories glorifying private donations, embodying the spirit of sacrifice expected from all citizens in Korea at the time.

A poignant example is the October 13, 1944 article about 13-year-old Yūko Yamagishi, who innocently donates her mother's platinum diamond ring to the Imperial Navy. Portrayed endearingly, her actions were meant to model the ideal behavior the colonial regime sought from Koreans: to give freely to the military without expecting anything in return.

This tactic of using children in propaganda was a recurring theme in Imperial Japanese media. By highlighting such stories, the regime aimed to tug at the heartstrings of the populace, fostering a culture of unquestioning support and sacrifice to help Japan in its war against the US and Britain during WWII.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) October 13, 1944

She found the "Ring to Destroy the Enemy"!

"Please use it quickly," she said eagerly, as she donated it

A child's pure patriotism offering platinum

"One gram of platinum can sink an enemy battleship." This priceless resource was being mobilized entirely, without leaving a single speck behind, to destroy the ever-approaching enemy forces growing arrogant in their numbers. The platinum contribution campaign has accelerated, reaching the point of mandatory buybacks. However, there was one girl who provided a major impetus to those who were reluctant to part with their "last precious items" or dismissing their own contributions as "too small." She demonstrated her sincerity in supporting the production of spirit-imbued weaponry by offering up without hesitation a platinum diamond ring (worth 200 yen) that she had kept in a safe place. Stirred with a youthful fighting spirit, she reasoned, "If platinum is so essential for increasing aircraft production, I'm going to donate it instead of selling it!"

This patriotic young girl lived in Takezoe-chō (present-day Chungjeong-no), Seodaemun District, Seoul. Her name was Yūko Yamagishi (13 years old), the eldest daughter of Sadayoshi Yamagishi. She is currently a sixth-grader at Seodaemun Elementary School. Every time Yūko read the newspaper, she learned how crucial platinum was and how indispensable it was for increasing aircraft production. She thought, "Isn't there more platinum out there? Why won't the people who have platinum not offer it up sooner?" Then, she remembered that she had safely kept a small, beautiful platinum ring with a diamond that her mother had given her, saying, "You can wear this when you grow up."

Unable to remain still any longer, Yūko searched through the drawers of her cabinet, found the ring, and excitedly consulted her mother, Taka, saying, "Please let me donate this instead of selling it." Taka was deeply moved by her daughter's noble feelings and encouraged her, saying, "Thank you for saying that. Please donate it with your own hands."

Yūko wrote a letter of donation addressed to Colonel Matsumoto of the Naval Military Office, saying, "This ring may be small, but please accept it along with my heartfelt sincerity." She visited the head office of this newspaper on the 12th and entrusted her ring to the donation desk. [Photo: Yūko donating her platinum]

**Yūko's Letter to Colonel Matsumoto (unedited)**

Dear Colonel Matsumoto,

Through newspapers, I have learned that the decisive battle in the air, which will determine the fate of the Imperial Nation, is fast approaching. I also understood how important platinum is for increasing aircraft production. Then, I remembered the platinum diamond ring that my mother had given me. She told me, "Wear this when you grow up."

When I think of Tarawa, Makin, and Saipan Island, I can no longer remain idle. I want to donate this ring as quickly as possible to help in any way I can. When I told my mother about this, she wholeheartedly agreed. I wanted to bring it immediately, but I needed to go to school next Sunday, so I couldn't go myself. Instead, I have asked this one man that I know to deliver it on my behalf.

Please use this precious ring, which I have cherished, to build as many fine aircraft as possible and defeat the hated British and Americans. I earnestly pray for your success.

Banzai to the Japanese Air Force!

Sincerely,

Yūko Yamagishi,

Sixth-grader at Seodaemun Public School, Seoul

**Statement from Yūko's mother Taka**

"I brought this ring with me when I got married, but I gave it to my daughter when she said that she wanted it, and I had forgotten about it. Yesterday, she created a great fuss, rummaging through her desk and drawers, and when she finally found the ring, she shouted 'Platinum, platinum!' with joy. When I asked her what she was doing, she replied, 'I am going to donate this to make airplanes!' That was when I understood her intentions and felt overjoyed. Though it is such a small item, I hope my daughter's sentiments will contribute to the creation of great weaponry."

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) December 29, 1944

Platinum: Now Subject to Mandatory Purchase

Refusal May Lead to Imprisonment of Up to Ten Years

The voluntary purchase of platinum by the Navy Purchasing Agency and the Material Management Agency concluded successfully on November 30. However, in response to the current war situation, a new Governor-General's ordinance issued on December 5 mandates the compulsory acquisition of platinum. The important Material Management Agency has been designated as the purchasing authority to enforce this measure. We request that platinum submission be made through the Seoul city government, the Korean Federation of National Power (Seoul Branch), Patriotic Women's Association (Seoul Branch), and the Material Management Agency.

The platinum subject to compulsory acquisition includes privately owned platinum and platinum alloys, such as jewelry, ornaments, personal accessories, stationery, fixtures, or even scrap materials. Exceptions apply to items classified as national treasures or those personally granted by the Emperor, provided the recipient has obtained permission from the Governor to retain them.

The procedure for submission requires individuals to fill out appropriate forms or postcards with their address, name, item descriptions, and quantities, and send them to the Material Management Agency. Alternatively, collective submissions through patriotic groups, labor unions, or other organizations are permitted.

The acquisition period ends on January 31. Applications and submission of items must be completed by this date, except for certain items requiring substitutes. The standard price is set at 90 yen per monme (3.75 grams), while government-owned items are priced at 61 yen, 2 sen, and 5 rin.

Severe penalties are imposed for violations, including reselling or deliberately destroying platinum products, failing to submit an application by January 31, or refusing requests for collection by the agency. Such actions may result in imprisonment of up to ten years or a fine of up to 50,000 yen.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年10月13日

あった”撃敵の指輪”

早く使って下さいと勇んで献納

白金を捧ぐ幼きこの赤心

”白金一匁はよく敵戦艦を撃沈する”この尊い百金を一粒残さず根こそぎ動員し、量に驕りじりじりと迫って来る敵を撃滅しようと白金供出運動は一段と拍車を加え今や強制買上げとなったが、飛行機増産になくてはならぬ白金ならば売るよりも献納しましょうと幼い闘魂を沸かせて大切に仕舞ってあった白金ダイヤ入り指輪（二百円）を惜しげもなく捧げ魂のこもる兵器の増産に赤誠を示し”これだけは”とか”こんな小さな物は”と出し渋っている人達に大きな刺戟を与えた軍国少女がある。

京城府西大門区竹添町三丁目山岸貞良氏長女裕子さん（13）＝西大門国民校六年＝は新聞を読む度毎に白金が如何に重要であり、飛行機の増産になくてはならないということを知り、”白金は無いものだろうか、どうして持っている人達が早く出さないのだろうか”と考えているうちに何時かお母さんから大きくなったら使いなさいと戴いた小さな可愛いダイヤ入り白金の指輪を大切に仕舞っておいたことに気が付いた。もうじっとしていられなくなった裕子さんは箪笥の中から探し出し喜び勇んで売るよりも献納させて下さいと母親たかさんに相談した處、たかさんも娘の麗しい気持ちに胸が一ぱいとなり”よく言って呉れました、あなたの手で献納して下さい”と激励した。裕子さんは指輪は小さいが私の真心とともに是非受け取って下さいと海軍武官府松本大佐宛に献納文を綴り、これを添えて十二日本社を訪れ献納方寄託した。【写真＝白金献納の裕子さん】

（原文のまま）松本大佐さま、私は新聞で皇国の興廃がきまる航空決戦が間近かに迫り、飛行機増産の為に白金がどんなに大切であるかを知りました。そして私が大きくなった時お使いなさいといってお母さまからいただいた白金にダイヤのはいった指輪のあることに気がつきました。タラワ、マキン、サイパン島のことを思うとき私はもうじっとしていられません。一刻も早くこの指輪を献納してお役に立てたいと思ってそのことをお母さまに話すとお母さまも大賛成でした。早速持って行こうと思いましたが今度の日曜も学校があるので行けません。それで知り合いのおじちゃんに頼んでお届けします。どうか私が大切にしていたこの指輪でりっぱな飛行機を少しでもたくさん造って憎い米英をやっつけて下さい。お願いいたします。日本航空部隊バンザイ．．．京城府西大門国民学校六年生山岸裕子

母親たかさんは語る：”私が嫁入りするとき持って来ましたのですが、娘が欲しいというのでやってしまい忘れていました。それが昨日ですが一人でえらい騒ぎをしながら机や箪笥の中をひっかきまわし指環を探し出し”白金、白金”と大きな声で喜ぶのでどうしたのかと聞きますと、”これを献納して飛行機を造りましょう”と言うのではじめて判り嬉しく思いました。こんな小さなものですが娘の心が通じて立派な兵器に役立って戴ければと思っています。

京城日報 1944年12月29日

白金：今度は強制買上げ

拒絶すれば懲役十年以下

白金買上げは海軍武官府指定買上班と物資営団で任意買上げを行い、好成績に十一月三十日一応終了したが、更に現戦局に応じ五日附総督府令で白金の強制買上げを断行することになったので重要物資営団が買上げ機関となり買上げを強行することに決定。京城府、同聯盟、日婦京城支部、物資営団で供出を要望している。

強制買上の白金は業者の手持品を含む民間所有の白金若しくは白金合金を使用した装飾品、装身具、身辺品、文房具、什器又は其の屑等であるが国宝物又は御下賜品拝受者が特にその所持を希望し同知事の許可を受けたものは供出しなくてもよい。

供出の方法は適宜の用紙、郵便はがき等で住所氏名、型、個数を記入し営団に宛譲渡の申込をするか都合により愛国班、組合その他の団体で一括申込も差支えない。

買上げ期間は一月末日までに申込み現品も代替物を要する特別のもの以外は同日迄に供出する。価格は普通一匁九十円、官有物は六十一円二銭五厘である。

白金製品を転売したり故意に滅失したり一月末日迄に譲渡の申込をせぬ場合又は営団の引取り請求を拒絶した場合は十年以下の懲役又は五万円以下の罰金に処せられる。

Source: National Library of Korea Digital Archive

Korean Woman in Hanbok Detained by Imperial Police in 1944 Seoul for Wearing the "Wrong" Clothing in Violation of Wartime Attire Regulations

This photo, published by the colonial regime in 1944, captures a police encounter of a Korean woman with members of the Jongno General Uprising Committee's Youth Division during an air raid drill. The woman was accused of violating strict wartime attire regulations imposed by the Imperial Japanese authorities in Korea. These regulations were part of a broader effort to militarize civilian life and enforce a standardized "battle-ready" appearance among the population.

The Youth Division was an extension of the Jongno General Uprising Committee, which operated under the supervision of the Imperial police in Seoul. It was composed of younger members of local patriotic groups, or neighborhood cells, which the police routinely interacted with within their precincts. These groups often convened meetings to discuss loyalty to the empire and were tasked with parapolice activities, such as night patrols and enforcement of wartime regulations.

In this case, the police likely mobilized members of these neighborhood cells to patrol the streets of Jongno district and inspect the clothing of passersby. The Youth Division members, equipped with megaphones, stationed themselves at busy intersections and scrutinized the attire of pedestrians. Violators were detained, admonished publicly, and often photographed or reported to serve as a warning to others.

The woman in the photo was reportedly detained in Kōgane 4-Chōme (present-day Euljiro-4-ga) for wearing a chima dress that did not comply with the August 31 and September 22, 1943 regulations outlined in the Keijo Nippo. These regulations required chima dresses to meet specific wartime standards:

• Style: Chima dresses had to adopt a tubular design instead of the traditional flared shape.
• Sleeves: Sleeves needed to be narrow and short.
• Fasteners: String fasteners were prohibited and had to be replaced with buttons.

It is likely that the detained woman’s dress violated these rules, either because the dress had the traditional flared shape or because she was still using string fasteners. Such police encounters were intended to enforce compliance and instill a sense of urgency and discipline among civilians.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) August 9, 1944

How Compliant is Your Battle-Ready Attire?

The Jongno Uprising Committee Calls for Compliance

Eradicate Violators of Attire Regulations!

When it comes to wartime life marked by desperate air raids, vigilance begins with proper attire. Despite repeated and stern warnings from authorities via radio, newspapers, and street announcements, the situation in Seoul on the 8th—the Imperial Rescript Commemoration Day—was shocking. Violators of attire regulations flooded areas like Honmachi and Jongno, leaving officials speechless.

At the intersection of Kōgane 4-Chōme, during an air raid drill warning issued at 10 a.m., more than a hundred attire violators filled the streets within just 30 minutes. Traffic was temporarily halted, and they were admonished by Chief Warden Takekuma of the Honmachi Police Station, who sternly lectured them, "The enemy planes are drawing near overhead. Is your attire truly appropriate for this?"

There is now an urgent call for greater vigilance and proper attire maintenance among the general public. [Photo: Attire violator receiving a warning.]

To ensure every single Korean compatriot on is mobilized into combat readiness, the Jongno General Uprising Committee's Youth Division deployed 40 leaders across 15 police stations in high-traffic areas under the Jongno precinct on the morning of the 8th, starting at 7:30 a.m. They used microphones to loudly proclaim, "Air-raid attire is vital, and negligence is unacceptable!" stopping passersby in their tracks and leaving a deep impression. The key points of their lecture were as follows:

"At this decisive moment, upon which the rise or fall of the Imperial Nation depends, are you idly loafing about, consuming without contributing, avoiding conscription through scheming, or recklessly searching for nonessential goods? Have you become like [illegible] with [illegible], losing your soul to the darkness of such a life? ... [illegible] ... Gentlemen, ladies, what about your air-raid attire? Not wearing monpe or gaiters is not just a matter of formality. It is evidence of your lack of mental preparedness. If you recognize this as wrong, do not wait until tomorrow; correct it immediately, starting today."

Source 1: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1944-08-09/page/n3/mode/1up

Source 2: 키워드 검색 - 신문 검색 - 대한민국 신문 아카이브

Note 1: Much of the text from the microphone lecture was illegible due to the way the high-quality scan from the National Library of Korea was cut off at the edge. But I believe the illegible portion also includes an accusation that the attire violators are profit-seeking scoundrels worshipping liberal capitalism. 

Note 2: The Imperial Rescript Commemoration Day (大詔奉戴日, Taishō Hōtai-bi) was a nationwide patriotic observance established in January 1942 as part of Japan's wartime mobilization efforts during the Pacific War (referred to in Japan as the Great East Asia War, 大東亜戦争). It was tied to the anniversary of the declaration of war against the United States and the United Kingdom, marked by the issuance of the Imperial Rescript on Declaration of War on December 8, 1941. To commemorate this event, the 8th of every month was designated as a day of reflection and mobilization for the war effort.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年8月9日

あなたの決戦服装は
鐘路蹶起委員会が呼かく
服装違反者を一掃

空襲必死の決戦生活はまず敏活な服装から。当局がラジオや新聞や街頭放送に口をすっぱくしての厳重な注意にもかかわらず八日大詔奉戴日の京城府内には本町といわず鐘路といわず服装違反者の氾濫ぶりに係官を唖然たらしめた。

訓練警報発令中の黄金町四丁目交叉点の午前十時から僅々三十分間に百余名の服装違反者が街頭にあふれ、一時通行停止を喰って『敵機は頭上に迫っている。きみ達の服装はそれでよいのか』と武隈本町署保安主任の厳重な説諭を受けた。一般府民の今一層の緊張と服装整備が要望されている。【写真＝注意をうける服装違反者】

半島同胞一人残らず戦闘配置につかしめるため、鐘路総蹶起委員会青年部では大詔奉戴日の八日午前七時半から鐘路署管内で交通の輻輳している地域の交番十五ヶ所に幹部四十名を動員。”防空服装は、闇は”とマイクを通じて絶叫、通行府民の足をとどめ、耳をそばたたせ多大の感銘を与えた講演要旨次の通り。

『皇国の興廃をかけた決戦に際しブラブラ遊んで徒食しながら徴用をのがれんとしてあくせくしたり、ないものを買い漁って足を[illegible]のように[illegible]闇の生活に魂を失ったものはありませんか。[illegible]男の方、女の方、あなたは防空服装はどうしましたか。モンペや脚絆をつけないことは形式の問題ではありません。あなたの心の緊張を失った証拠です。悪いと思ったら明日といわず今日直ちに直して下さい』

In 1941, Tokyo officials forcibly settled 1,400 Koreans into an unsanitary slum with no kitchens or bathrooms, and brainwashed them with Imperialist ideology in neighborhood cells enforcing mandatory morning worship of the Emperor

This news article from 1942 highlights the Imperialist ideological indoctrination that was imposed on a small Korean neighborhood in Edagawa, Tokyo, which got its start in 1941 when approximately 1,400 Korean residents of Tokyo were forcibly relocated from areas earmarked for sports venues of the canceled 1940 Olympics. The Tokyo city government constructed 230 basic housing units—effectively barracks—on barren reclaimed land. These units lacked essential facilities such as kitchens, bathrooms, or toilets. The area itself was inhospitable, surrounded by garbage incinerators, disinfection facilities, and poor drainage systems. Frequent flooding and unsanitary conditions compounded the struggles of the residents. However, this propaganda news article from 1942 mentions none of this. Instead, it waxes positively about how the residents are organized into 22 neighborhood cells (tonari-gumi) that enforce ideological indoctrination, such as adherence to mandatory religious rituals such as the 7 am Kyūjō Yōhai ritual (宮城遥拝) which involved deeply bowing several times in the direction of the Imperial Palace in Tokyo while standing, vowing loyalty to the Emperor. The Koreans would have already been familiar with this ritual, because under Imperial Japanese colonial rule, everyone in Korea was required to perform it, with loud sirens reminding everyone to stop what they are doing to perform the prayers. The residents would have also performed the mandatory daily noon prayer, which was a moment of silence in honor of fallen Imperial Japanese soldiers. 

Doctor seeing patients at a clinic in the Edagawa Korean neighborhood.

The settlement house in Edagawa, or 隣保館 (Rinpokan), was established ostensibly to support the forcibly relocated Korean population, providing them with a medical clinic, a cooperative store, childcare facilities, and baths. However, it appears that the house served more as a mechanism for assimilation and control, promoting "imperialization" among Korean residents, pushing them to adopt Japanese language and customs under the guise of welfare and social improvement. This mirrored broader efforts in colonial Korea, where Koreans were integrated into the Aegukban (Patriotic Groups)—neighborhood cells modeled on Japan’s wartime tonari-gumi (neighborhood units). These neighborhood cells, comprising about ten households each, facilitated wartime mobilization, resource control, and ideological indoctrination. The cells also imposed surveillance and compliance, fostering an environment of coercion and control.

The settlement house itself became a physical and symbolic extension of Imperial Japan’s colonial dominance. While framed as a space for welfare, it functioned as a tool for assimilation, control, and the promotion of imperialist ideologies. Forcibly displaced and subjected to poor living conditions, the residents of Edagawa navigated a life shaped by both systemic neglect and the relentless pressures of Japanese imperialization.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) September 8, 1942

Towards True Imperialization

Young Koreans are growing up

Two Hundred Families Like One Big Household

The Korean Community in the Imperial Capital: The Edagawa Town Settlement House in Fukagawa Ward (2)

About fifty or sixty children with bobbed hair, wearing playful suspenders or simple polka-dotted clothes, stood neatly in ten vertical rows, their cute small hands stretched out inside the newly built wooden-scented auditorium.

"Everyone, we will now bow reverently toward the Imperial Palace where His Majesty the Emperor resides. Show your deepest respect!"

At the command of Director Ikeda, the children solemnly performed a graceful and heartfelt bow in unison.

This is the Edagawa municipal housing complex in the reclaimed land of Fukagawa Ward, stretching out towards the distant sea. It is home to approximately 1,400 Koreans living across 200 households.

Just recently in July, the Tokyo Prefectural Concordia Association established this facility, which is the only settlement house in the Imperial Capital exclusively for Koreans. In just over a month, the residents have embraced it as an extension of their homes, a sanctuary of peace, and a foundation for their lives, making full use of its facilities.

Modern amenities such as a medical clinic, a cooperative store, childcare facilities, and baths have been implemented through the devoted efforts of Director Yakushiji, celebrated as a paternal figure to the Koreans, and a staff of ten. These facilities directly improve the residents' quality of life while also serving as a platform for fostering the Japanese spirit. They play a vital role in promoting the movement for "true imperialization" with relentless vigor.

Director Ikeda shared: "There are twenty-two neighborhood cells here. We emphasize gathering women at regular meetings to teach them the profound spiritual values of the Japanese family. But the most promising are the youth and children."

Centered in Edagawa Town, a youth group exclusively for Koreans has been organized, boasting about 100 members. Their unity is so strong that they even have a brass band. The group actively participates in donation drives, labor service activities, and home-front support movements with commendable zeal.

From somewhere nearby, the chorus of the "Patriotic March" could be heard. The bright red and white Japanese flag atop the vividly painted building began to flutter in the cool sea breeze.

[Photo: The medical clinic within the settlement house building]

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1942-09-08/page/n2/mode/1up

[Transcription]

京城日報 1942年9月8日

真の皇民化へ

若き半島は育つ

宛ら一家の二百世帯

帝都の半島色：深川枝川町隣保館（２）

おませなズボン吊りや、水玉模様の簡単服をつけたおかっぱさんが五六十人、木の香も新しい講堂に、可愛いお手手をツンと伸ばして十列縦隊…

『皆さん、これから天皇陛下の在します宮城に向かって遥拝をいたしましょう。最敬礼っ！』

池田主任の号令でひそっと心ひきしめ可憐な最敬礼の一ときである。

ここは、はるかに海につづく深川埋立地の市営枝川住宅―約一千四百名の半島同胞が二百の世帯を営んでいる。

半島出身者の生活向上を目ざし東京府協和会がここに帝都唯一の半島者のみの隣保館を開設したのは、ついこのあいだ―七月のことだが、わずか一ヶ月余の日子のあいだに、住民たちは、ここをわが家の延長として馴染み、心の安息所、生活のよりどころとして百パーセントに活用するようになった。診療室、購買部、保育室、入浴室等々の近代的設備は、半島人の父として高名な薬師寺館長はじめ十名の職員の献身的努力により、直接的には住民の生活改善の原動力となり、ひいては日本精神昂揚の運動として展開され、真の皇民化運動にたゆまざる拍車をかけつつあるのだ。

池田主任は語る：『ここには二十二の隣組があり、その常会には、つとめて婦人をあつめ、日本家庭の深淵な精神生活を説くようにしていますが、しかし頼母しいのはやはり、青年と子供ですね』

枝川町を中心に、半島出身者のみの青年団が組織され、約百名の団員の結束は立派なブラスバンドさえ持って、献金運動、勤労奉仕の銃後運動等々に、真先かけての敢闘をつづけているという。

どこからか『愛国行進曲』の合唱…ペンキの色あざやかな建物の上の大日章旗が涼しい海風にはためき出した。【写真＝隣保館内の診療所】

The Edagawa Korean neighborhood evolved further in the postwar era. Following Japan’s defeat in World War II, many Koreans returned to the Korean Peninsula. However, a significant number remained in Edagawa, joined by Japanese residents who moved into the area. Over time, the community faced neglect from municipal authorities, with the Tokyo administration halting essential services such as repairs and waste management. Left with no choice, the residents undertook self-funded efforts to improve their living conditions, building drainage systems and maintaining infrastructure through communal labor.

In 1949, a theft investigation in the Edagawa Korean neighborhood escalated into rioting and clashes between local authorities and Korean residents, resulting in arrests and trials in an event known as the Edagawa incident. 

In preparation for the 1964 Tokyo Olympics, the government took modest steps to integrate Edagawa into the broader urban landscape. Residents, both Korean and Japanese, collaborated to establish shared spaces, including the Chōnichi Children's Park (朝日児童公園). Symbolically named with characters representing both "Korea" and "Japan," the park became a testament to the spirit of coexistence. This period also marked the establishment of institutions such as Tokyo Korean Second Elementary School (東京朝鮮第二初級学校), which provided education rooted in Korean cultural heritage.

By the late 20th century, Edagawa had evolved into a unique neighborhood blending Korean and Japanese cultures. Newcomers from South Korea also contributed to the community's transformation. Institutions like the Edagawa Love Church (枝川愛の教会), established 26 years ago, became centers of cultural exchange. However, as the demographics shifted and historical memory faded, fewer people remained aware of the origins of Edagawa as a community forged through resilience.

Today, Edagawa retains remnants of its storied past, with dilapidated two-story buildings and barracks serving as silent witnesses to the struggles and achievements of its residents. However, gentrification and urban redevelopment have brought change. Proximity to bustling areas like Toyosu underscores the contrast between modern high-rises and the historical core of Edagawa. Efforts continue to preserve the history of Edagawa. Educators, community leaders, and historians are working to document the neighborhood’s heritage, ensuring that future generations remember the sacrifices and resilience of those who built it. 

Link: Edagawa's history as recorded by the Edagawa Korean language classroom

How the war criminals of Imperial Japan shaped modern South Korean politics and business: the pro-Japanese legacy that Kishi, Sasakawa, and Kodama left behind in Korean conservatism

As a Japanese blogger posting content about Imperial Japan's colonization of Korea, I have been following the latest news coming out of South Korea and noticed the dismay that many Korean citizens have about the "pro-Japanese" nature of their conservative politicians. By "pro-Japanese," they refer to the way Korean conservative politicians are deferential toward Japanese politicians in matters of historical disputes, economic collaboration, and security agreements.

This deferential stance is often seen in the handling of contentious historical issues, such as the acknowledgment of wartime and colonial atrocities and abuses, reparations for victims of forced labor and sexual slavery, and the preservation of Japan's national narrative over these events. Furthermore, it is reflected in agreements or compromises that seem to prioritize Japan’s strategic and diplomatic interests over addressing long-standing grievances held by South Korean citizens. These actions have often left a significant portion of the Korean populace feeling that their leaders are neglecting national dignity and justice in favor of maintaining close ties with Japan.

In this post, I'm going to tell a narrative to partly answer the question as to why these "pro-Japanese" tendencies persist in the Korean conservative movement in Korea, including some links with sources for further reading. This is by no means a comprehensive answer, but I hope this post becomes a resource to gather much of the relevant historical information about this issue in one place. In this narrative, I trace how Kishi Nobusuke organized former war criminals and other prominent former Imperial Japanese government and military officials to reconstitute as much of the former Imperial Japanese regime as possible in the post-war environment, then exert influence in Korea. Others have posted more detailed information online which explain how Kishi and his successors came to dominate the Liberal Democratic Party and Japanese politics, but in this post, I will focus more on the interactions that Kishi's associates had with Korean government officials and businessmen over the decades to exert power and influence over South Korea in the postwar era. Through this exploration, I hope to provide readers with a deeper understanding of why these pro-Japanese tendencies persist in Korea and what it reveals about the ongoing impact of Imperial Japan’s colonial legacy in Korea. 

We will begin this narrative in 1940's defeated post-war Japan, ravaged by World War II and occupied by Allied forces. The Americans have imprisoned the class A war criminals at Sugamo Prison. However, other war criminals were released once the Americans decided that they could become useful anti-Communist leaders of postwar Japan. Among the released war criminals was Kishi Nobusuke, a key architect of Imperial Japan's wartime economy. Kishi emerged from Sugamo Prison in the post-war years with a renewed ambition: to reconstitute as much of the old Imperial Japan as possible. He was emboldened by his observation that the Americans did not care what his true political beliefs were, as long as he was a staunch anti-Communist. Imprisoned as a suspected Class A war criminal, Kishi befriended two fellow war criminals who would become instrumental to his vision—Ryoichi Sasakawa and Yoshio Kodama. Together, these men cultivated a network that blended political influence, corporate ambition, and organized crime to reshape Japan’s role in East Asia.

In wartime Japan, Sasakawa was the founder and leader of the National Essence League (国粋同盟), one of the most extreme right-wing political organizations in Imperial Japan. Sasakawa admired Benito Mussolini and modeled his organization on Italian Fascist principles, even visiting Nazi Germany and fascist Italy in 1939. While he held a position as a Diet parliament member, Sasakawa spent much of the war giving motivational speeches to the Imperial Army and the general public across the Empire to boost war morale. In his remarks during one visit to Korea in 1943, he encouraged leaders to "punch Koreans with an iron fist" if they seemed unsteady and unfocused (ふらふら), claiming that such actions were acts of love (可愛ければこその鉄拳である) necessary to bring them back in line. This philosophy aligned with the broader Imperial Japanese military culture, which heavily relied on corporal punishment. In this way, he normalized the physical abuse of Koreans and rationalized it as an act of tough love to mold the Koreans into 'true Japanese people'. 

While incarcerated at Sugamo Prison, Sasakawa kept a detailed diary that highlighted his belief in aligning Japan with a pro-American, anti-communist stance. During his time at Sugamo Prison, he worked tirelessly to improve the treatment of prisoners, earning respect from both high-ranking war criminals and lower-tier detainees. Sasakawa famously referred to Sugamo Prison as his “ultimate university,” a place where he built relationships that later connected him to Japan’s post-war establishment.

Sasakawa later supported the controversial Unification Church founder Sun Myung Moon in his anti-communist activities. From 1968 to 1972, Sasakawa was the honorary president and patron of the Japanese branch of the International Federation for Victory over Communism (Kokusai Shōkyō Rengō), which forged intimate ties with Japan's conservative politicians. Allen Tate Wood, a former top American political leader of the Unification Church of the United States, recalled his surprise upon hearing Sasakawa telling an audience, referring to himself, "I am Mr. Moon’s dog."

Kodama, who was designated as the "fixer" by Kishi, utilized his connections to play a pivotal role in normalizing Japan-South Korea relations in 1965. Following the normalization treaty, Kodama frequently visited South Korea, where he liaised with members of Park Chung-hee’s administration, serving as a fixer for Japanese corporations and the yakuza. Kodama’s influence facilitated the inflow of $500 million in reparations and economic aid from Japan, which jump-started South Korea’s industrial development and created lucrative opportunities for Japanese businesses.

One of Kishi’s most significant collaborations was with Ryuzo Sejima, a former Imperial Army officer turned corporate strategist. Sejima, who survived 11 years as a Soviet prisoner of war, joined Kishi in forging the Japan-South Korea Cooperation Committee, which solidified ties between the two nations. This committee laid the groundwork for deep economic and political collaboration, with figures like Sejima serving as trusted intermediaries.

The normalization of relations between Japan and South Korea in 1965, made possible by a partnership between Kishi and South Korean dictator Park Chung-hee, was not merely a diplomatic milestone; it was a strategic alignment against the shared threat of communism. The reparations package and subsequent economic cooperation enabled Japanese firms to enter the Korean market, further intertwining the two countries’ fates. Park Chung-hee, a former officer in the Japanese-controlled Manchukuo Army, shared ideological and personal ties with Kishi and his associates. Park preferred to surround himself with fellow Imperial Army academy graduates, such as Paik Sun-yup, a decorated hero of the Korean War but a controversial figure due to his earlier service in the Gando Special Force of the Imperial Japanese Army in Manchuria from 1943 to 1945. Paik was also involved in putting down the Yeosu-Sunchon Rebellion (거수·순천 사건) of October 1948, a brutal operation marked by ransacking, raping, and killing of civilians, with many of the soldiers still wearing old Japanese army uniforms. This choice of associates reflected Park's reliance on figures who, like himself, shared a connection to Japan’s colonial and military institutions. 

The predominance of pro-Japanese sentiments within South Korea’s conservative elite can be traced back to the early days of Syngman Rhee’s presidency. Rhee, whose domestic support base was weak, was forced to rely on collaborators with Imperial Japan to staff key positions in the police and military. The South Korean army, for instance, was largely founded and commanded by former officers of the Japanese military, while the police force was similarly dominated by those who had served under the colonial administration. This extended to other sectors as well, including the judiciary, media, education, culture, and religion. While Rhee himself cannot be described as pro-Japanese, the pillars of his government overlapped significantly with individuals who had thrived during Japan’s colonial rule.

The Special Committee for Prosecution of Anti-National Activities, established in October 1948 to address collaboration during the colonial period, was quickly dismantled after just over a year of activity. Although the committee compiled a list of approximately 7,000 alleged collaborators and arrested some prominent figures, its efforts were suppressed by the very police force that included former colonial officials. The committee’s offices were raided, effectively curbing its operations. [Source: Asahi Webronza Article]

The narrative of South Korea’s conservative elite shifted after independence. Their justification for maintaining power and influence centered on staunch anti-communism, pro-Americanism, and conservatism. Many former collaborators, once aligned with Japan, rapidly recast themselves as pro-American defenders of South Korea’s nascent democracy. In the context of a fierce Cold War rivalry with North Korea, this repositioning allowed them to frame their actions as vital for the survival of the state, rather than remnants of colonial oppression.

During the postwar period, Kishi and his allies cultivated relationships with South Korea’s emerging conservative elite, including Reverend Sun Myung Moon and business magnates such as Samsung’s Lee Byung-chul and POSCO’s Park Tae-joon. Lee Byung-chul’s business empire had its origins during the colonial era in Korea, with the establishment of Samsung Sanghoe in Daegu on March 1, 1938, initially focused on exporting dried fish and apples. His business success during this period likely would not have been possible without at least some collaboration with Imperial Japanese authorities. Samsung continues to exert significant political influence in conservative circles to this day. For example, The People’s Power party recruited Koh Dong-jin, an adviser to Samsung Electronics, ahead of the April 10 general elections in 2024. 

Sejima played an instrumental role in shaping South Korea’s export-driven economy by advising on the establishment of trading companies and industrial giants. His insights were so valued that employees at Samsung Group organized book clubs around the Japanese novel Fumou Chitai (The Wasteland), whose protagonist was modeled after Sejima.

Another key contact for Kishi's associates was Kim Jong-pil, head of the Korean Central Intelligence Agency (KCIA) and a close associate of Park Chung-hee. Kim’s support for the Unification Church, led by Reverend Moon, exemplified his efforts to consolidate a conservative, anti-communist bloc within South Korea. Notably, Kim, along with Park Chung-hee and Park Tae-joon, spoke Japanese so fluently that a Japanese diplomat once remarked that they seemed indistinguishable from native Japanese speakers. Additionally, Kim’s brother held secret discussions in Japan with Ichiro Kono, leading to an agreement to leave the contentious Takeshima/Dokdo issue unresolved, encapsulated by the phrase “settlement by not settling.”

Sejima’s deep connection with South Korea is evident in his memoir Many Mountains and Rivers (Ikuzanga), published in 1995. Sejima praised former President Park Chung-hee as “a self-disciplined leader with profound insight and leadership,” and expressed special respect for Lee Byung-chul, the founder of Samsung, calling him “a revered senior, brother, and teacher.” Through Lee Byung-chul, Sejima also forged ties with former Presidents Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo.

Chun Doo-hwan and Roh Tae-woo, both military generals-turned-presidents who succeeded Park Chung-hee after his assassination in 1979, admired Sejima as a senior officer and respected his strategic insights. Chun Doo-hwan, in particular, felt that defending the Korean Peninsula from the North Korean threat was not solely South Korea's burden but a shared responsibility with Japan. Chun argued that Japan, given its proximity and vested interests in regional stability, should actively contribute to South Korea’s defense capabilities. This stance led Chun to push for economic and military support from Japan, framing it as essential for the collective security of East Asia. These appeals resonated with Japanese leaders, who viewed a stable and anti-communist South Korea as a crucial buffer against Northern aggression.

A key episode highlighting Sejima's close connections with South Korean leadership was his meeting with Kwon Ik-hyun, a prominent member of the Democratic Justice Party with strong ties to Samsung. In December 1982, acting as a special envoy for Prime Minister Yasuhiro Nakasone, Sejima met Kwon Ik-hyun at Gimhae Airport for a secret meeting. The two reached a fundamental agreement to resolve the strained Japan-South Korea relations caused by issues such as Japan's history textbook controversies and economic cooperation loans. This agreement paved the way for Yasuhiro Nakasone's official visit to South Korea, aimed at resetting bilateral ties. Kwon, known for his strategic thinking and influence within South Korea’s conservative elite, worked closely with business magnates like Lee Byung-chul to align political and corporate interests. Through Kwon, Sejima was able to deepen his understanding of South Korea’s economic and political dynamics, further solidifying the partnership between Japanese and Korean elites. 

Yasuhiro Nakasone's historic visit to Seoul in 1983 marked a new phase of Japan-South Korea cooperation. Behind the scenes, Sejima’s quiet diplomacy helped negotiate key economic loans that funded South Korea’s infrastructure, including the Seoul subway and power plants, while advancing Japan’s regional interests. This allowed Japan to influence South Korea’s political and economic trajectory in the 1980's, culminating in events like the 1988 Seoul Olympics, which bolstered South Korea’s global standing.

The historical legacy of this network resurfaced in later years when Park Chung-hee's daughter, Park Geun-hye, served as President of South Korea. In a poignant moment of historical significance, she met with Shinzo Abe, the grandson of Kishi Nobusuke, in 2015 during her presidency. This meeting resulted in an agreement intended to “finally and irreversibly” settle the contentious issue of comfort women. As part of the agreement, the Japanese government pledged $9 million to a fund for the surviving victims. For Japanese conservatives, this relatively small sum was seen as a way to put the darker aspects of Imperial Japan’s past to rest permanently, effectively allowing them to bury the history of wartime atrocities and abuses without further scrutiny. They viewed this as a significant political victory, expressing gratitude to South Korea’s conservative leadership for facilitating such a resolution. Indeed, Korean conservatives honored this agreement by refraining from criticizing Japan on the comfort women issue at a recent UN conference discussing women's human rights issues.

This 2015 meeting between Park and Abe also symbolized the enduring influence of their respective family legacies in shaping Japan-South Korea relations. The interaction highlighted how the ideological and political frameworks established by Kishi and Park Chung-hee have continued to influence the bilateral dynamics between the two nations.

So what now? How is this relevant to the present? Many of the politicians and businessmen mentioned in this post have descendants and proteges who continue to carry on their legacy and dominate Korean conservative politics today. For instance, Paik Sun-yup’s daughter, Paik Nam-hee (백남희), recently established the Paik Sun-yup Memorial Foundation, describing it as "an organization of hope that consoles the hearts of the victims of the Korean War and their bereaved families." This foundation portrays her father’s career in the most favorable light while omitting references to his controversial actions. Similarly, Samsung remains a family-run enterprise, with the founder Lee Byung-chul’s grandson now serving as its chairman, perpetuating the legacy of its founder. 

The People’s Power Party of Korea today has strong incentives to safeguard the reputations of their predecessors, actively avoiding any revelations that might tarnish their image. This includes downplaying or suppressing colonial history, as such scrutiny could expose uncomfortable truths about Korean collaborators during the Imperial Japanese colonial period. As long as the collaborators and their descendants retain influence, a comprehensive and honest examination of Korea’s colonial and Cold War history may remain out of reach.

Ultimately, the neo-Imperialist ambitions of Kishi Nobusuke and his allies were not a direct attempt to restore Imperial Japan but rather to secure Japan’s position as a regional leader in the Cold War context. Through alliances with figures like Park Chung-hee, Chun Doo-hwan, and South Korea’s business elite, they leveraged historical ties and strategic interests to reshape East Asia. Today, their legacy remains deeply embedded in the political and economic structures of Japan-South Korea relations, for better or worse.

Japanese colonial masters were told to ‘love’ their Korean subjects by punching them ‘Bam!’ with an ‘iron fist’ if they became ‘unsteady and unfocused’ during their rigorous training to cultivate the ‘Japanese Spirit’ (Sasakawa remarks, Seoul 1943)

During World War II, in colonial Korea, guest speakers from mainland Japan frequently visited to give speeches aimed at boosting morale and reinforcing loyalty to Imperial Japan. These speakers were often staunch Imperialist ideologues whose words were crafted to inspire support for the war effort. Among them was Ryōichi Sasakawa, the founder and leader of the National Essence League (国粋同盟), one of the most extreme right-wing political organizations in wartime Japan. Sasakawa admired Benito Mussolini and modeled his organization on Italian Fascist principles.

Portrait of Sasakawa in August 1943 article.

At the end of World War II, Sasakawa, along with Kishi Nobusuke (Shinzo Abe's grandfather) and Kodama Yoshio, were classified as Class A war criminals and imprisoned at Sugamo Prison after Japan's defeat. However, they were later released by the Allies due to his staunch anti-communism. Sasakawa, Kishi, and Kodama became key players in the political landscape of post-war Japan, continuing their careers as unreformed Imperialists to try to reconstitute as much of the old Imperial Japan as possible in the post-war environment. Among other things, Sasakawa also played a key role in establishing a relationship between the Unification Church of Reverend Moon and the ruling Liberal Democratic Party of post-war Japan (this is probably a topic that deserves its own post).

The article shared here offers a glimpse into Sasakawa's 1943 visit to China and Korea. While he held a position as a Diet parliament member, Sasakawa spent much of the war giving motivational speeches to the Imperial Army and the general public across the Empire to boost war morale. In his remarks during this visit, he encouraged leaders to "punch Koreans with an iron fist" if they seemed unsteady and unfocused (ふらふら), claiming that such actions were acts of love (可愛ければこその鉄拳である) necessary to bring them back in line. This philosophy aligned with the broader Imperial Japanese military culture, which heavily relied on corporal punishment. In this way, the physical abuse of Koreans was normalized in Imperial Japanese culture and rationalized as an act of tough love to mold the Koreans into 'true Japanese people'. 

Interestingly, this physically abusive training style found favor with figures like Park Chung-hee, the late South Korean dictator, who was trained as an Imperial Army officer during the war. Park even approvingly referred to such harsh methods as ビンタ教育. In this context, it would seem that, as the dictator, Park played a key role in nurturing the culture of physical abuse that was pervasive in the South Korean military at the time.

In addition to Sasakawa's visit, I have included other articles from the same newspaper page that shed light on the broader context. One details the "training" of Koreans in various dojos across Japan, such as Tokyo and Fujisawa, where they were subjected to similar physical discipline to mold them into 'true Japanese people.' The fact that the colonial regime went through the trouble and expense of relocating them to mainland Japan for training strongly suggests that these dojos were meant to 'train the trainers', so that the graduates would go back to Korea as senior teachers to mold generations of Koreans into 'true Japanese people'.  Another describes a propaganda lecture by a less prominent Imperial Army officer who visited Manchuria and Seoul. These lectures were often free to ensure mass attendance.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) August 10, 1943

Relentless Drive Without Reasoning: Diet Member Sasakawa Speaks Cheerfully

"One must become a fanatic for patriotism and love for others, otherwise it is useless. Once you achieve this state, you become impervious to the heat, the cold, and neither praise nor criticism will matter. Farmers can till their fields, and merchants can conduct their trade without distractions." With these words, Diet member and head of the National Essence League, Ryōichi Sasakawa, passionately struck the table with his fan, his eyes flashing brightly. Returning from an inspection tour of Central and Northern China to promote the "Yamamoto Spirit," Sasakawa entered the city on the 6th and spoke on the 9th at the Hantō Hotel, under the blazing afternoon sun.

"I am delighted that Korea has finally introduced a conscription system and that the Navy's special volunteer system will be implemented. This is good news. Once it is fully operational, the theory of Japanese-Korean Unification will no longer be reversible. Government and civilians alike must act as one, with words and actions in perfect alignment. I met with both the Governor-General and the Director-General, and they were already out working by 7 a.m. That is how it must be. Their enthusiasm was evident. Words and actions must be consistent. The people must be inspired to take action. Bureaucrats must not worry about saving face. There is no room for reasoning. Only with this mindset can we achieve increased production, training, and ultimately serve the nation. Overcomplicating things is unnecessary. To win, we must set reasoning aside. If we get bogged down by logic, we will fail to act," Sasakawa said, striking his knee with his fan.

His fan bore the words, "Thunder is the music of the heavens, earthquakes are the dance of the earth, everything is to be enjoyed," written by himself. He continued, "The guidance of our Korean compatriots requires great effort and strength. Even in daily training, forging the spirit is essential. Without a firm and unyielding stance of the spirit, one quickly becomes unsteady and unfocused. In such moments, a leader must 'Bam!' deliver a punch with an iron fist to restore their composure. This is an iron fist born out of love. By casting aside selfishness through this great love and strength, and by leading by example, the people can advance with unwavering resolve, dedicating themselves fully to increased production and rigorous training, moving forward with all their strength toward victory."

Like a Zen monk devoted to self-sacrifice and patriotic sincerity, Sasakawa slightly smiled, his eyes sparkling with determination.

Instilling the "Japanese Spirit"

Misogi Training for Korean Students in Japan

Tokyo Report – In order to fully instill the true "Japanese Spirit" into Korean students preparing to enter the job market in September, the Korean Scholarship Association has been organizing intensive training sessions in Mitaka Town, Tokyo; Ichinomiya Town, Gunma Prefecture; Fujisawa City, Kanagawa Prefecture; Ōta Town and Kashima Town, Ibaraki Prefecture. One such session at the Mitaka Town Prosperous Asia Training Dojo ran from the 7th to the 10th of last month, with thirty-five students participating in a rigorous training retreat. Under the guidance of Takayama Shaji, a priest of the Kugenuma Inari Shrine, and Takeo Amagawa, a kendo instructor from the Central Training Center for overseas compatriots who are originally from Jeollabuk-do, students engaged in four days of Misogi purification rituals, worship for twelve hours, six hours of lectures, three hours of martial arts practice, and nine hours of agricultural work each day.

A typical day's schedule began at 4:30 a.m. with the sound of clappers signaling wake-up, followed by a refreshing Misogi morning purification at Senkawa, surrounded by the greenery of Musashino. The distinct feature of this dojo's program is its emphasis on "purification through labor," or soil purification, promoted by Takayama Shaji, based on the spirit of Japan's ancient farming traditions. This method seeks to instill the true Japanese spirit through hands-on practice while strengthening war power under wartime conditions. It is evident that the training is closely tied to practical life. When asked about their experiences, a participating student remarked,

"Recently, sitting for long periods was quite painful, but as I became accustomed to it, I gradually came to understand the Japanese spirit through discipline. I also realized that Japan and Korea share a deep-rooted family-centered ethos since ancient times. This realization brought me great joy. I now understand that it is our duty to develop Korea’s family-oriented principles into a larger, family-centered framework."

Lecture by Major General Kaneko Teiichi

To Be Held at Seoul Citizens Hall on the 12th

While the Imperial Army continues relentless battles on land and sea against the demonic Anglo-American forces, our publication and the Maeil Sinbo newspaper have arranged for Major General Teiichi Kaneko, a former army officer and current member of the House of Representatives with deep ties to Korea, to participate in the Second Prosperous Asia Group Meeting in Shinkyō, Manchuria, on the 16th. On his return, he will deliver a lecture on the "Current and Final Stages of the World War" on the 22nd at 2 p.m. at Seoul Citizens Hall. Admission to this lecture will be free of charge.

500-Yen Donation Commemorating the Implementation of Conscription

On the 9th, Kawakami Hiroasa, the representative of the Cheondogyo Temple, visited the office of the Korean Federation of National Power to express gratitude for the implementation of conscription and presented a donation of 500 yen collected by members.

[Transcription]

京城日報 1943年8月10日

理窟抜きの驀進だ

笹川代議士朗らかに語る

『愛国愛人狂にならんと駄目。これになれば暑いことも寒いことも判らん。毀誉褒貶耳に入らずに農民は田を耕し商人は商売が出来るんだ』と、愛国の熱情を扇子と共にデンと卓に叩きつけた、国粋同盟総裁代議士笹川良一氏の目がきらりと光った。中支、北支を視察”山本魂”鼓吹行脚の帰途六日入城。宿舎半島ホテルで九日烈日の西陽を受けながら総裁は語るのだ。

『朝鮮も愈々徴兵制が布かれ、海軍特別志願兵制も実施されることになり嬉しい。良いことだ。これが出来上がれば内鮮一体論などはもう過去に翻すことになるのだ。官民一体、言行一致で行かなければならん。僕は総督にも、総監にも会ったが、御両人共に朝七時頃にはもう出掛けていた。これでなければいかんのだ。大いに張り切っとるね。言行一致だ。国民をして感奮興起せしめなければならん。役人は面子を考えてはいかん。理窟抜きだ。この気持ちになってこそ増産も錬成も出来、国家の為に尽くすことが出来るのだ。むずかしいことを言うてはいかん。勝ち抜くためには理窟は抜きだ。理窟を並べていては理窟倒れとなり実行は出来なのだ』と、膝をポンと叩いて総裁は扇子を開いて見せた。

それには『雷鳴りは天の音楽、地震は地球の舞踏、万事楽しむ』と自ら書いてあった。そしてまた『半島同胞の指導は大変と力を必要とする。日々の錬成にしても魂の錬成が必要だ。魂に不動の姿勢がなければすぐふらふらとなる。その時指導者はボカンと一つ鉄拳をくらわせばふらふらは立ち直る。可愛ければこその鉄拳である。この大愛と力でもって私心を去り率先垂範してこそ民衆は理屈抜きに勝ち抜くために増産へ錬成へ命がけで驀進出来るのだ』

滅私奉公、愛国の至誠に徹した禅坊主のような心境である総裁はきりっとしまった口元を微かに綻ばせ眸で笑った。

叩き込む”日本精神”

半島出身学生に禊の錬成

【東京電話】九月就職戦線に進出する半島出身学生に真の日本精神を体得せしむべく朝鮮奨学会では東京都三鷹町、群馬県一ノ宮町、神奈川県藤沢市、茨城県太田町同じく鹿島町などに同会主催の錬成会を開催している。その一つ三鷹町興亜錬成道場は去る七日から十日まで三十五名の学徒が合宿錬成にいそしんでいるが、鵠沼稲荷神社高山社司、全北道出身海外同胞中央錬成所剣道教師天川武雄氏指導の下に四日間を通じて禊、拝神十二時間、講話六時間、武道三時間、農耕九時間の日程である。

一日の日課はまず午前四時半拍子木の音とともに起床、武蔵野の緑に包まれた千川での清々しい暁の禊にはじまる。この道場の一特色は高山社司の主唱の下に我が国古来の農民精神を汲み、特に汗を通じての『禊』たる土の禊を強調している点で、実戦によって真の日本精神を体得させるとともに決戦下戦力増強につながる。真に生活に即した錬成を目指していることが、はっきりと看取される。右錬成参加の学生の体験を訊くと、

「最近は坐ることが非常に苦痛でしたが段々馴れるに従って日本精神が躾けながらわかって来ました。家族を中心とする点に於いて太古以来内鮮は共通したものを持っていることがわかり、こんな嬉しいことはありません。今後は朝鮮に於ける家族主義をより大きな家族中心へと発展させることがわれわれの努力すべき義務であるとわかりました」と語っていた。

金子定一少将の講演会

十二日府民館で

鬼畜米英を向かうに廻して皇軍は陸に海に日夜間断なき攻防戦を繰り返しているとき、本社及び毎日新報社では朝鮮に馴染み深い武人たる現衆議院議員金子定一陸軍少将が来る十六日より新京で開催する第二回興亜団体懇談会に出席し、帰途来城するのを機会に、来る二十二日午後二時より府民館で時局講演会を開催する。金子少将の演題は『世界大戦の現段階と最終段階』と決定。当日は入場無料である。

徴兵記念に五百円献金

九日、朝鮮聯盟事務局に天道教会代表教領川上広朝氏が訪れ、徴兵制実施に感激し会員が集金した五百円を献金。

Source: https://archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-08-10/page/n2/mode/1up

Koreans needed Imperial police-issued ‘travel purpose certificates’ to travel on buses and trains by April 1944, police cracked down on female passengers for illegal food vending and ‘unnecessary and non-urgent travel’

In the midst of World War II, life in Korea under Imperial Japanese rule was marked by increasing restrictions and control, particularly on the everyday activities of ordinary citizens. A series of articles from Keijo Nippo, the largest newspaper in colonial Korea, published in April 1944, highlights the regime's oppressive measures to manage the country's strained railway system. These announcements shed light on the strict wartime regulations that sought to curtail overcrowding on public transportation by imposing severe limitations on who could travel, when, and for what purpose.

Brown commuter train pass (left) and green worker bus pass (right).

One such announcement focused on female passengers, targeting women who were deemed to be traveling for "unnecessary and non-urgent" reasons. The authorities cracked down on illegal food vending on trains, with vendors – likely selling tteokbokki or similar items – risking arrest for their activities. In an era of extreme scarcity, these women were probably just trying to make ends meet, much like Sunja's struggles in Pachinko with her kimchi business. However, the colonial regime's economic police maintained an army of informants, leaving these vendors constantly under threat of punishment, illustrating how survival efforts were criminalized.

Another critical regulation required passengers to possess ‘travel certificates,’ documents that had previously been easier to obtain from local neighborhood or town councils. Starting in April 1944, these certificates could only be issued by the police, who were already overwhelmed by other wartime duties. These travel certificates also had the added requirement to state an explicit 'reason for travel'. This added layer of bureaucracy made it even more challenging for ordinary people to travel freely, emphasizing the regime’s growing control over personal movement.

Further restrictions included new rules that made it illegal for passengers to disembark from trains before reaching their designated destination, even for short distances, and the introduction of special transit passes that were limited to specific groups, such as commuters, workers, and students. Despite these rigorous measures, an article from August 1945 revealed that overcrowding on trains persisted, likely exacerbated by the ongoing shortages of train cars, parts, and labor during the war. These regulations not only controlled movement but also reflected the broader wartime hardships and the oppressive reach of the colonial government over daily life in Korea.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 3, 1944

**Wartime Notice**

Extraordinary wartime measures on the railway system have been further strengthened, yet the number of inconsiderate passengers does not seem to have noticeably decreased.

Until two or three days ago, there were people who had purchased tickets but were unable to board, resulting in daily ticket refunds averaging around 1,500 yen at the transportation bureaus in front of the stations.

Needless to say, most of these were short-distance travelers, or individuals whose travels were completely unrelated to the war effort. From various perspectives, one would want to say that this is wasteful.

Thus, as an additional emergency measure, it is worth considering the restriction of short-distance travel for women, excluding families of those being transferred or reassigned. It is not unreasonable to assume that most of these women are unnecessary and non-urgent travelers.

Among them, there are even women who bring homemade rice cakes into the train cars, targeting the passengers’ hunger, and selling them at black-market prices. Naturally, they are being dealt with by the transportation police and by the economic police.

Furthermore, there are concerns that so-called travel certificates issued by town representatives, ward leaders, or patriotic group leaders may be influenced by favoritism. Although it is true that these individuals have become busier recently, the travel certificates should be strictly limited to those issued by the police.

In that sense, what about appointing privately funded police officers in some capacity as railway police officers? It is not an ideal approach, but for people who will not comply unless confronted by the power of the police, there may be no other option.

Source: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1944-04-03

 

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 18, 1944

**Guidelines for Train Travel**

**Cooperation in Transportation Efforts**

**Fighting Households**

Since the implementation of the railway passenger transportation restrictions on April 1, non-essential and non-urgent travelers have decreased. However, the situation is not yet fully under control. Nevertheless, we trust in the pride of the Japanese people and their cooperation towards the completion of the sacred war. Some people are still not fully familiar with the new regulations that came into effect after April 1, causing congestion. Therefore, we would like to present some guidelines to ensure smooth and clear transportation service.

First, regarding the Travel Purpose Certificate, we would like to suggest the following format for use at Seoul Station. However, please note that even if you have a certificate, it does not guarantee that you will be able to purchase a ticket as desired due to various circumstances. Please be aware of this in advance.

**Travel Purpose Certificate Format**:

• Address
• Occupation and Social Status
• Name and Age: Male/Female (As of the Current Year)
• Reason for Travel
• Travel Date: From (Month, Day) to (Month, Day)
• Travel Zone: From (Station) to (Station), One-way/Round-trip
• Date: (Showa Year, Month, Day)
• Certifier/Official Seal

Certified as above

The primary difference in this new format from previous versions is the clear specification of the travel zone.

Further, express and direct trains require reservations. If you miss your designated train due to personal reasons, the ticket will become invalid, so please be mindful of this. From now on, reserved trains will be managed by train numbers, so please remember your train number. Generally, ascending trains (towards Seoul) will have even numbers, and descending trains (away from Seoul) will have odd numbers. Please also note that general passengers are not allowed on commuter trains, so please be aware of this.

Regarding restrictions on disembarking en route, or getting off the train before reaching your designated destination, in general, it is prohibited to disembark en route at stations less than 40 kilometers from your departure station. However, passengers departing from Seoul station are prohibited from disembarking at stations within approximately 100 kilometers of Seoul station. Therefore, for trips departing from Seoul station, on the Seoul-Jinju Line, disembarking en route is prohibited between Seoul and Cheonan stations. On the Gyeongui Line, disembarking en route is prohibited between Seoul and Kaesong stations. On the Gyeongwon Line, disembarking en route is prohibited between Seoul and Cheorwon stations. On the Gyeonggyeong Line, disembarking en route is prohibited between Seoul and Yangpyeong stations.

Regarding luggage, each person is allowed one piece of up to 50 kilograms. For items up to 30 kilograms, there is no additional charge, but if it exceeds this, the entire weight will be charged. Hand-carried items are limited to two pieces of medium-sized trunks. If you observe these guidelines, we believe we can achieve smooth and convenient transportation service.

**[Statement by Mr. Yamada, Chief Passenger Officer, Seoul Station]**

Source: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1944-04-18

 

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 19, 1944

**Seoul Electric Railway’s Commuter Passes Are On Sale**

*Train Passes are Brown**

**Bus Passes are Green**

In response to the fare revisions enacted on the 1st of the month, Seoul Electric Railway will soon begin selling commuter, worker, and student passes to regulate transportation usage. There are four types of passes: commuter pass, worker pass, student pass Type A, and student pass Type B. The commuter pass, including tax, is priced at 3 yen and 70 sen. The worker pass, tax exempt, costs 2 yen and 50 sen. The student passes are divided into two categories: Type A, for secondary school students and below, is tax exempt and priced at 2 yen; Type B, for technical school students and above, is also tax exempt and costs 2 yen and 50 sen.

The train passes will have a brown background with prominent month digits printed, clearly displaying the travel route to prevent unauthorized use. The bus passes will be green and will also specify the boarding and disembarking zones. These passes are available for bulk purchases through affiliated offices, companies, or organizations and will not be sold to individuals.

As for usage guidelines, the following will render a pass invalid and subject to confiscation: purchasing passes under false pretenses regarding travel zones, using passes under another person's name, using passes outside the designated travel route, or altering any printed details on the pass. *[Photo: Samples of the Commuter Passes]*

Source: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1944-04-19

 

[Transcription]

京城日報 1944年4月3日

血戦録

鉄道の決戦非常措置はますます強化されたが、心なき旅客の数は、格別減ったとも見られない。

両三日前迄は、切符は買ったが乗れなかったという人たちによって、駅前の交通公社では、一日に平均千五百円内外の払い戻しを行ったという。

いうまでもなく、それ等は主として近距離客であって、いわゆる決戦旅行に縁の遠い人たちばかりである。いろいろの点から見て、無駄なことだといいたくなる。

そこで、この上の非常措置として、転任、転勤者の家族は別として、婦人の近距離旅行を抑制することも考えられる。彼女等は大部分不急不要の客とみて差支えない。

中には、手製の餅などを車内に持ち込んで、乗客の空腹を狙って、それを闇値で売っている女すらある。当然、移動警察、経済警察の人たちの手で処置されてはいる。

いわゆる旅行証明書なるものも、町総代や区長、班長のものでは、情実を伴う心配がある。近頃ますます忙しくなって来たことは認めるが、これは飽くまで警察発行のものに限ったがよい。

その意味で、請願巡査が何かの形式で、鉄道警察官といったようなものを置く方法は如何であろうか。好むことではないが、警察の力でなければ納得せぬ人間にはこれより方法がないかもしれぬ。

京城日報 1944年4月18日

汽車旅行の心得

輸送陣の協力へ

戦う家庭

四月一日より実施している鉄道旅客輸送制限によって不急不要の旅行者は減少されましたが、今はなお完全とは申されません。然し私は日本人の矜持で皆さんの聖戦完遂への協力を信じています。四月一日以後の措置について今なお熟知していない方がいて混雑をきたしますから、乗車上の注意を申し上げ、円滑明朗な輸送奉公をしたいと思います。

まず旅行目的証明書のことですが、京城駅では次の様式をすすめしたいと思います。けれども種々の事情で証明書をお持ちになっても必ずしも希望通りの乗車券を購入し得るとは限りませんから、そのことだけは予めおふくみ願いたいと思います。

旅行証明書：

• 住所
• 職業身分
• 氏名年齢：男女（当 年）
• 旅行理由
• 乗車月日：自〇月〇日至〇月〇日
• 乗車区間：自〇駅至〇駅片道・往復
• 昭和〇年〇月〇日
• 〇〇〇〇証明者・認 印

右証明す

右の様式で従来と違う所は旅行区間を明記することです。

次は急行及び直通列車は指定を要します。もし指定列車に自己の都合で乗らなかった場合はその切符は無効になりますから御注意下さい。これからは指定列車は番号でやりますから列車番号を御記憶下さい。大体上り列車は偶数で下りは奇数番号です。なお通勤列車には一般乗車は出来ませんから、その点御諒承下さい。

次に途中下車の制限に就いてですが、原則としては各発駅から四十粁未満は禁止です。京城からは約百粁程度以内は各駅相互間の発着旅客は途中下車は出来ません。ですから京普線では京城より天安間、京義線では開城間、京元線では鐵原間、京慶線では楊平間です。

次に手荷物は一人一個五十粁までです。三十粁までは無賃ですが、それを越した場合は全部を有賃にします。手廻品は中型トランク程度の物二箇に限ります。以上御注意下されば事務簡便明朗な輸送奉公が出来ると思います。【京城駅山田旅客主任談】

京城日報 1944年4月19日

京電の定期券発売

電車は茶色

バスは緑色

足の規正を行って一日から乗車賃改正をみた京電では近く通勤者、工員、学生定期券を発売する。種類は通勤、工員、学生通学甲乙券の四種類で通勤券は税込三円七十銭、工員券税なし二円五十銭、通学券は甲中等以下税なしの二円、乙専門学校以上税なしの二円五十銭で、電車定期券は茶の地色に大きく月の数字を浮かせ乗車系統が明記され不正乗車を防止する。

バス定期券は緑色でこれ又乗降区間を記載する。購入は所属官庁、会社、団体等の一括購入で個人的には発売しない。

なお使用上の注意としては乗車区間を偽り購入した時、他人の名義の定期券を使用した時、乗車径路外の使用を行った時、券面記載事項を塗抹改変した時等は定期券は一切無効として没収される。【写真＝定期券の見本】