“If Japan loses, Koreans will fight each other, divided by foreign powers”: June 1945 warning by Korean collaborator (박춘금, 朴春琴) who urged authorities to redirect Korean nationalism into support for Imperial Japan

This is a translation of a Japanese newspaper roundtable discussion from June 1945, held just two months before Imperial Japan’s defeat in World War II. The participants included senior Japanese officials—an army major general, colonial administrators, and publishing executives—as well as Park Chun-geum, a prominent Korean collaborator and former parliamentarian who was highly trusted by the colonial regime.

Despite his reputation, Park offers an unusually lucid view into the mindset of Koreans at the time. He had spoken directly with Korean youth who feared that if Imperial Japan lost, the peninsula would descend into chaos. Multiple foreign powers—the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, the Chinese Nationalists (Chongqing), and pro-Japanese factions—would all try to assert control. Park warns that Koreans would end up fighting each other, and that the only way to prevent this disaster was for Imperial Japan to trust Koreans, give them hope, and reframe the war as a defense of Korea itself.

Park was essentially calling for a redirection of Korean nationalism—not its suppression—toward protecting the homeland by fighting under the Imperial Japanese banner.

But the Japanese participants could not comprehend this, and ignored Park's concerns. They refused to leave their own reality bubble, insisting upon maintaining the ideology of naisen ittai (內鮮一體, Japanese-Korean Unification), which was fundamentally incompatible with permitting Korean nationalism. This meeting is a striking case of hypernormalization—a regime clinging to its official ideology and pretending that business as usual could continue, even as the empire was disintegrating.

What makes this article especially remarkable is that it was published during the final phase of the Battle of Okinawa, with the clear possibility that the Korean peninsula itself could soon become a battlefield. For years, propaganda had vaguely warned that “we will become slaves” if Imperial Japan lost—but here, for the first time, you see detailed, realistic predictions: a fragmented, occupied Korea and internecine warfare. That level of candor—speculation on Imperial Japan’s defeat and Korea’s postwar future—appearing in a Japanese newspaper in 1945 is extraordinary.

Even more striking, the article predicts that Soviet forces would enter Korea, despite the USSR not yet being at war with Imperial Japan at the time. The only real inaccuracy is the assumption that the Chinese Nationalists (referred to as "Chongqing" after their capital) would prevail in China’s civil war. Otherwise, the forecast is hauntingly accurate.

The roundtable also touches on the organization of Korean Volunteer Corps, intended to mobilize civilians—even girls as young as 12—into makeshift militias similar to Germany’s Volkssturm. At this stage in the war, Japanese authorities were already training some Koreans with bamboo spears, preparing them for suicidal banzai charges against Allied forces.

In short, this roundtable reveals a desperate colonial regime completely out of touch with the sentiment of the Korean people, refusing to accept reality, and still insisting on ideological unity while the empire’s collapse was imminent.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) June 1, 1945

Expectations for the National Volunteer Corps
(Roundtable hosted by Keijo Nippo newspaper, Part 4)
Resolving Ideological Problems
Instill Political Ideals!

Mr. Park Chun-geum (박춘금, 朴春琴) (former member of the Diet): Until recently, I did not understand the feelings of the Korean youth. However, I sensed something lately and gathered some young people together. I asked them: “What do you think will happen to the Korean peninsula if Japan loses the war? And what will happen if Japan wins?” I asked them to speak frankly. They responded with something interesting:

“If Japan loses, five or six different forces will come into the Korean peninsula—such as the United States, Britain, the Soviet Union, the Chongqing government, and pro-Japanese elements—splitting into factions and fighting among themselves. The 26 million people on the Korean peninsula will end up killing each other. That would bring the greatest misfortune to the Korean people. Therefore, we hope the Japanese people will fully trust the Koreans and allow us to contribute as well. We would like you, Chun-geum, to convey this message.”

Thus, I believe it is necessary to fully grasp the spirit of the youth. To achieve this, we must provide hope to the Korean people. Up until now, they have been told endlessly to become loyal subjects of the Empire. What is needed now is to give them hope. Entrust the structure of the national body to the Korean people and say, “You can do it. The peninsula is your homeland.”

In short, what is most important at this moment is that the Japanese people sincerely trust the Koreans and give them hope and a sense of cooperation. If we do that, the Korean people will gladly give their lives as Imperial subjects. Also, we must genuinely demonstrate that the motivation behind the Greater East Asia War is the liberation of the peoples of Asia.

I would like to see this kind of roundtable held once more, and with a broader range of participants. I believe it would be extremely effective in stimulating public opinion and providing useful guidance to the authorities.

Mr. Kurashige Shūzō (Imperial Army Major General, Secretary General of the Korea Headquarters of the Patriotic Women's Association): On the 14th, Prime Minister Suzuki clarified the operational policy of the National Volunteer Corps, stating that the Corps’ essential mission is to embody ethical principles and serve the nation.

I have always believed that the foundation of national governance lies in clarifying the national body and rectifying moral principles in order to carry out the war to its conclusion. From this perspective, I believe the National Volunteer Corps should become a central element of current political efforts.

Accordingly, in organizing this system, the government must ensure that its principles are thoroughly understood by the officials directly involved—the heads of provinces, districts (gun), prefectures, towns (eup), and townships (myeon).

Mr. Ishida Kōzō (President of Jinmonsha Publishing): Leaders should be chosen from among the local bosses with real political capability. Ultimately, without political skill, the endeavor will likely fail.

In any undertaking, I believe it is more effective when politically aware people are involved. Organizing a volunteer corps of 26 million requires instilling a political ideal. In order to instill a lofty ideal, political awareness is necessary.

Mr. Park: This is not a time to discuss the grand plans of a hundred years. What matters now is winning the war. To that end, we must secure even greater cooperation from the Korean people. That means giving them hope.

Mr. Matsumura Kōichi (Executive at Korean Aircraft Company, Director at the Ministry of Culture and Information): From what I have heard, two main issues have been raised. One is the matter of political awareness. To be clear, this is an ideological issue. In Korea, a national movement cannot be launched unless the ideological issues are resolved.

Therefore, if a National Volunteer Corps is to be created, we must resolve ideological problems to a certain degree, or else it will be ineffective. I believe no one would disagree with this.

The most solid method would be to resolve these ideological issues and then build the National Volunteer Corps with mainland Japanese at its core and Koreans supporting it.

Mr. Ishida: I fully agree with the first part of what you said. There is no alternative but to resolve Korea’s ideological issues before moving forward.

As for the lingering, unresolved ideological discontent that remains today, I believe it can only be resolved through something like the Volunteer Corps—something combat-oriented. This applies equally to both mainland Japan and Korea. There are unique elements to the complexity of Korea’s ideological issues.

Mr. Matsumura: There is a large qualitative difference between the Korean Volunteer Corps and that of mainland Japan. As for the ideological question, how can it be resolved? If mainland Japan fully trusts the Korean side, and the Korean side fully trusts mainland Japan, then it can be resolved. Achieving that trust will only be possible by fighting the war together. In organizing the Volunteer Corps, I believe Korea’s unique characteristics will naturally emerge.

Mr. Kurashige: The ideological issue is a difficult one, but in our Patriotic Women's Association, for example, when we gather and talk a few times, no real problems arise.

In other words, mutual understanding leads to resolution. If we develop close relationships with each other, we will understand one another. In that case, the concept of Japanese-Korean unification becomes a non-issue.

Mr. Yokomizo (President of Keijo Nippo newspaper): We are truly honored to have gathered you all here today—individuals with rich experience, deep insight, and aspirations regarding the national movement—to provide frank and unreserved opinions about the organization of the National Volunteer Corps.

For our newspaper, which bears the serious responsibility of guiding public opinion, today’s discussion was highly informative. Above all, all policy measures today must focus on winning this war. Therefore, even if a new structure for the National Volunteer Corps is established, it must ultimately aim to achieve maximum effectiveness for victory. All specific strategies must therefore be directed toward this objective.

(End)

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年6月1日

国民義勇隊に期待する（本社主催座談会４）
思想問題の解決
政治的理念を持たせよ

朴春琴氏（元代議士）：私は此の頃の半島青年の気持というものを知らなかった。ところが最近感ずるところがあって青年を集めて私は大体こういうことをいった。『日本が戦に負けたら半島の運命はどうなるか。それから日本が戦に勝ったら朝鮮の運命はどうか』、こういうことで忌憚なく話してくれといった。すると面白いことをいっていた。『日本が負ければ今度は半島には五つも六つもの勢力が入って来る。例えば米英とかソ連とか重慶とか或は親日とかそういうような分子に分れてお互いに闘争する。そうすると二千六百万がお互いに殺しっこをやる。こうなったら半島人は最も大いなる不幸に陥る。故に我々はこう考える日本人が全面的に朝鮮人を信頼して我々にも働かせて貰いたい。そのことを春琴さんから話してくれ』、とそういうことをいっていた。

そこで青年達の魂というものを相当掴む必要があると思う。それがためには何とか半島人に希望を与えなくてはならぬ。今まで単に、お前たちは皇国臣民になれということを耳にタコが出来る程いわれている。そこで希望を与えることだ。今度の国体も半島人に委してお前達がやるのだ。半島はお前達の郷里だという風にやる。何といってもこの際は内地人が大きな気持で半島人を信頼して希望を持たして協力せよというならば、半島人は喜んで皇国臣民として命も捨てる気になる。そして日本民族が大東亜戦争を起した動機はアジア民族の解放にあるのだということを本当に示してやる。

今日のような会をもう一回やってほしい。そして出席者の範囲をもっと広くしてやってほしい。そしたら当局の参考に与論の振起に非常に効果があると思う。

倉茂周蔵氏（陸軍少将、日婦朝鮮本部事務総長）：十四日に鈴木首相は国民義勇隊の運営方針を明らかにされたが、国民義勇隊員は道義をもって国民を貫くことをもって本義と致すものであるといわれた。私は国政の基本は国体を明かにし名分を正し、もって戦争を完遂するにあると常々考えているのであるが、この国民義勇隊はこの意味から申しても今日の政治の要点になるべきものであると思う。

従ってこの組織に当っては政府側においても直接その衝に当る道、郡、府、邑、面、等の長に対してよく其の趣旨を徹底せしめられたい。

石田耕造氏（人文社社長）：指導者は一地方の親分で政治的能力のある人物を選ぶがよい。要するに政治的能力乃至手腕の少ない人はどうもうまく行かないのではないかと思う。何事にもこの運動の展開には政治性を持つ方が効果がありはしないかと思う。二千六百万で義勇隊を組織するということは矢張りそこに政治的理念を持たせる方がよいのではないか。高い理念を持たせるには結局政治性を持たせなくてはならんと思う。

朴氏：百年の大計を今日論ずるのではない。勝てばよいのである。それがためには半島人として一層協力せしむることである。それには希望を与えることが必要であると思う。

松村紘一氏（朝鮮飛行機重役、文報理事）：色々お話を承ったが、要するに問題は二つ提出されていると思う。政治性という問題、これをハッキリ申し上げると思想問題であって結局朝鮮では国民運動は思想問題を解決してからでないと出来ない訳だから、国民義勇隊をつくるならば思想問題にある程度解決を与えないと実効がない。これは何人も異存のないことと思う。そこでこの思想問題を解決して国民義勇隊というものを内地人を中心にしてつくり半島人の方でついていくという方法が一番堅実ではないかと思う。

石田氏：只今のお話の前半には全く賛成である。朝鮮の思想問題を解決して然る後にやる外ないと思う。

今日なお残っている釈然たらざる思想的不満は何によって解決するかということ、これは義勇隊的なそういう戦闘的なものでないと解決出来ないと思う。これは内地側においても朝鮮側においても同じである。朝鮮の思想問題の難しさは独特のものがあると思う。

松村氏：朝鮮の義勇隊と内地側とでは非常に質的に差異があると思う。それから思想問題だが、これをどういう方法で解決するかといえば、内地側は朝鮮側を全面的に信頼し、朝鮮側は内地側を全面的に信頼すれば解決する訳である。これをやることは一緒に戦争をやる外はないと思う。義勇隊組織ということについては朝鮮の特性というものが現れて来ると思う。

倉茂氏：思想問題ということについては難しい問題だが私の方の婦人会等でも二三回集って話をすると結局何も問題は起こらない。つまりよく諒解し合うからである。お互いに親しくすればよく判ることで内鮮一体も何もないと思う。

横溝社長：国民運動について豊富な御経験、御識見また御抱負をもっていられる皆さん方のお集まりを戴き当面の国民義勇隊の組織に関して、最も忌憚のない批判を仰ぎましたことは私共の誠にしあわせとするところです。

与論指導に重大使命を持っている本社としては大変よい参考と相なった訳です。何といっても今日のすべての施策はこの戦争に戦い勝つということに集中しなければならぬ。

この故に、将来つくられる国民義勇隊の新機構といっても結局は勝つために最大の効率を発揮させなければならないのである。従ってそれぞれの具体的な方策はこの目標に集中せられることと思う（終り）。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

Imperial Japan called Korean women in chima dresses ‘the most filthy and ugly sight’ and shamed them with posters captioned ‘there are still women like these’ (April 1945)

In April 1945, with Imperial Japan losing the war, Imperial authorities turned their rage inward.

Captioned poster: "There are still women like these" (まだいる、こんな女性が)

Imperial authorities targeted Korean women for wearing traditional chima skirts instead of wartime monpe trousers. The Battle of Iwo Jima had just ended, and Battle of Okinawa was already well underway, so war tensions were very high. These two articles, published in the Keijo Nippo propaganda newspaper in Seoul under Imperial Japanese rule, scolded Korean women as selfish, vain, and unpatriotic, claiming that women in traditional chima dresses were “the most filthy and ugly sight” in the eyes of the public. 

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 21, 1945

You Cannot Protect This Nation Wearing a Chima Dress

What is this? Have you forgotten the enemy air raids, just strolling around idly?
There are still women like this.

◇ …Dragging their long chima hems, letting their skirts flutter in the spring breeze—how the number of high heels strutting through this city at war has grown! The long winter has passed, cherry buds are swelling on the trees, and now, with the arrival of spring, the slackening of wartime tension has begun to creep into people's hearts. Here and there, women can be seen on the streets who have forgotten their monpe workpants.

◇ …Do these women really think that, dressed like that, they can protect themselves from enemy bombings, protect their homes, and protect their cities? These women dragging their long chima hems have children who go off to school wearing gallant monpe and kyahan leg wraps. These women wearing skirts, whose footsteps echo in the streets in high heels, have brothers who are throwing their lives into battle in factories and on the front lines. Surely these women have not forgotten about that?

◇ …And yet, are these women the only ones allowed to dress like this? Even they cannot say that they do not have enough thread to alter a skirt or chima dress into monpe workpants. If they are clinging to outdated lifestyle habits, then those are the habits of a defeated people. If there are any people who believe that chima dresses and skirts symbolize feminine beauty, then they are gravely mistaken. The people walking the streets see their appearance as the most shameful and unsightly thing, and they look upon them with eyes of reproach.

◇ …It may be April, when spring flowers bloom, but right now, as the decisive battle that will determine the fate of the Japanese people begins, we are living in an autumn of resolve, with all 100 million ready to fall like cherry blossoms in a special attack. Skirts and chima dresses not altered into monpe workpants should be stored away with your evacuation clothing. Let us prepare for the enemy planes that may come even tomorrow, and demonstrate the spirit of the Yamato Nadeshiko in monpe workpants that will not hinder our movement. [Photo: Observations from within Seoul on the 20th during defense drills]

Original caption: Observations from within Seoul on the 20th during defense drills

If You Let Your Guard Down, It Will Cost You!

Secretary-General Kurashige of the Patriotic Women’s Association Issues a Warning About Chima Dresses

During the defense drills held on the 20th, the unsightly sight of women in chima drew widespread scorn. Secretary-General Kurashige of the Patriotic Women’s Association’s Korean Headquarters, issued the following call to awaken women regarding proper air defense attire:

“Because the air raids in Osaka temporarily eased, people became completely careless and stopped wearing monpe. The damage caused by the air raids that struck during this lapse was severe. This is a classic example of what happens when there is no mental discipline.

We Korean women must not repeat this mistake. We must begin with the simple act of wearing monpe pants and throw ourselves into a wartime way of life.

I cannot stop urging the women supporting the home front to awaken!”

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年4月21日

チマでは護れぬ
何事ぞ、敵襲忘れてノタリノタリ
まだいる、こんな女性が

◇．．．裾長にチマを引き、春風にスカートをなぶらせて戦う街をゆくハイヒールの何と殖えたことであろうか。永かった冬も去り桜の枝頭もふくらむ春とともに戦う人の心の間隙に喰いこむ緊張のゆるみからモンペを忘れた女性が街々に散見される。

◇．．．いったい貴女はそれで敵の爆撃から身を護り、家を都市を護り抜けると思っているのでしょうか。チマの裾を引いた貴女の子供は巻脚絆にモンペの凛々しい姿で学校へ通っている。スカートにハイヒールの音も高く街を闊歩する貴女の兄さんや弟たちは工場で戦場で生命を投げ出して戦っていることをよもや忘れてる訳ではないでしょう。

◇．．．それなのに貴女だけがその姿でよいのでしょうか。スカートやチマをモンペに直す位の糸がないとはいくら貴女でもいえますまい。もしも生活の習慣に固執されるのだったら、それは敗戦国民の習慣です。万一チマやスカートが女性美を象徴するものだと思ってる人があったら大間違い。街ゆく人々は貴女達の姿を最も穢れた醜いものとして非難の眼で見ているのですぞ。

◇．．．花開く春四月だが、いまや日本民族の興亡を決する大決戦は咲く花とともに桜花と散らん一億特攻の決意に生きる秋なのです。モンペに直さぬチマやスカート類は疎開衣料のなかに入れて、さあ明日にも来る敵機に備え、活動に支障のないモンペ姿に大和撫子の心意気を示そうではありませんか。

【写真＝防衛演習の二十日府内所見】

油断するな
倉茂日婦総長
チマに警告

防衛演習の二十日、見苦しいチマ姿が一般の顰蹙をかった。日婦朝鮮本部倉茂事務総長はこの日婦人の防空服装に次の如く覚醒を促した。

大阪で一時空襲がゆるやかになったため、すっかり油断してモンペを着なくなった。この時に乗じて受けた空襲の被害は大きかったという。これは心のひきしまりがない時の好例だが、われわれ半島女性はこの轍を踏まないように簡単なモンペ着用から始めて戦う生活に奮闘せねばならない。銃後女性の覚醒を促してやまない。

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive

See Also:

Link 1 (1943 clothing regulations regarding chima dresses): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2022/11/onerous-regulations-prescribing-long.html

Link 2 (1944 police detaining a woman in Hanbok dress): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2024/12/korean-woman-in-hanbok-detained-by.html

Link 3 (1945 propaganda speech forbidding rings and chima dresses at work): https://tpjv86b.blogspot.com/2025/04/dont-wear-rings-or-chima-dresses-dont.html

Imperial Japan shamed Koreans for going to theaters instead of preparing for invasion (March 1945)

As Imperial Japan’s war effort crumbled in early 1945, its propaganda turned increasingly desperate and moralistic. This article, published in March 1945 in Seoul, lashes out at Korean civilians for lining up to see a play, accusing them of betraying the national spirit at a time when Japanese soldiers were dying en masse on Iwo Jima. The piece demands that people forgo leisure, dig trenches, and prepare for the looming American invasion. It also criticizes theater groups for chasing profits instead of bringing morale-boosting performances to soldiers "production warriors" in factories, mines, and rural areas. This highlights how Korean entertainers, such as dancer Choi Seung-hee, were required to perform for the Imperial Army. What stands out is not just the guilt-tripping, but how directly it scolds colonial Koreans as if they were expected to share in Japan’s imperial death cult. Movie theaters throughout Korea would subsequently close, not to reopen until after the war.

I translated the full article below.

[Translation]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) March 26, 1945

Have You Forgotten Your Outrage, Masses?
Entertainment must be in step with the times

Following the news that all soldiers on Iwo Jima had died charging into the enemy, the announcement of the Divine Tide Special Attack Units stirred the blood of the 26 million residents of the Korean Peninsula. “Strike and do not stop!”—biting down, chewing on grass roots if necessary—we swore to fight to the end. Surely, you felt that burning spirit surge through your very being.

Yet some people in Seoul are acting disgracefully. Though the theater was scheduled to open at 1 p.m., people began crowding in front of the Bumingwan Hall from around 8 a.m., desperate to see a play. Elbowing and shoving each other—this vulgar spectacle—is this acceptable? We want to shout at the top of our lungs: Is this really acceptable?

Yes, one might say that spending a day at the theater is understandable, given the lack of entertainment on the home front. But no! The proper time to seek amusement should be determined by the common sense of the people themselves.

Even if the play is enlightening or educational, it is utterly unacceptable from a national moral standpoint to be scrambling for tickets and pushing through crowds to see a performance while listening to the radio report on the Iwo Jima charge, a report that claws at the chests of 100 million people.

No one dies from not watching a play. But if the people grow complacent for even a single moment now, Greater East Asia will be ravaged by the venomous fangs of our enemy America. The phrase "stab the enemy to death with a bamboo spear from within a dugout" is not an exaggeration or a rhetorical flourish. It is the grim reality now at our doorstep.

If you have time to see a play, dig a trench. Evacuate your clothing and tableware. Contribute to the preparation of bomb shelters. Spending two or three hours jostling in front of a theater out of a craving for theater performances is unacceptable behavior in a time when the home front demands the very soul of the Special Attack Unit spirit. Citizens of Seoul, awaken from the depths of your conscience!

We also demand that performers reflect seriously. They must clearly understand the mission of theater in wartime. In the past, performances for the comfort of production warriors toured around visiting every region, but it would be fortunate if these were not simply patchwork measures to dodge criticism from authorities and informed citizens. If theater people are truly awakened to contributing to the war effort, then they should perform in rural farming and fishing villages, mines, and factories—rarely performing in cities, only a few times per year. Let them break free of profit-driven motives.

Furthermore, we must address the organizer—the Seoul City Social Welfare Association. They claim that proceeds go toward welfare work. But if the essence of relief work is the spiritual rehabilitation of the people, then how can they justify stirring up crowds into a ticket-buying frenzy and drowning out the solemnity of the day following news of the Iwo Jima charge? That is not spiritual rehabilitation, but moral confusion which is pushing citizens in exactly the wrong direction.

On a day of such grave national announcements, performances must be canceled immediately. Canceling them becomes a noble opportunity for many people to reflect and contributes more truly to spiritual rehabilitation. To say that doing anything to obtain funds is permissible as long as it is for social welfare is a fallacy.

Now more than ever, everything must be done in line with wartime ethics. Everything must be morally sound and in harmony with the national situation. Yet ironically, at this very theater, it was the venue staff—hired by a "social welfare" group—who had to swing whips to drive back the crowd as it surged forward.

[Photo caption: Is your face among this crowd?]

[Transcription]

京城日報 1945年3月26日

憤激忘れたれ群像
娯楽も時を弁えよ

硫黄島全員斬込みの報につづく神潮特攻隊の公表され、半島二千六百万の血はたぎりたった。撃ちてしやまむ歯を喰いしばって、草の根をかじって、撃ちてしやまむ、この熾烈な戦意が身内に逆流するのをおぼえたにちがいない。ところが、京城府民の一部には開館は一時からだというのに朝の八時頃から芝居を見たさに死にもの狂いになって府民館の前に押し合いへし合う非時局人がいる。この醜態はどうだ。これでよいのか。声を大にしてこれでよいのかと叱咤したい。

娯楽の乏しい銃後の一日を観劇に過ごす、だれに聞かせても一応納得できることではある。だがしかし、娯楽を求める『時』というものは自ら国民の常識によって判断すべきである。

硫黄島斬込みの一億の胸をかきむしる放送を耳にしながらいかに啓蒙的演劇であっても芝居を見る為にごったかえして入場を争うのは国民倫理として絶対許さるべきではない。芝居をみなくても死にはしない。しかしいまの一瞬を国民が懈怠すれば、大東亜が敵アメリカの毒牙に荒される。穴にもぐって竹槍をもって敵を刺殺するというのは誇張でも修辞でもない。目の前に迫った現実なのだ。

芝居を見る暇があったら穴を掘れ。衣類、食器の疎開をせよ。待避壕の整備に努力すべきだ。芝居をみたさに二時間も三時間も劇場の前にごったかえすことは、銃後に特攻魂の強く希求されている今日起り得べき事柄ではない。府民よ、肚の底から自覚せよ。

更に演劇人に反省を求めたいのは、戦時下の演劇の使命をもっとはっきり把握して貰いたいことである。従来も増産戦士慰問は各地域を巡回してやっていたが、これが当局並に識者の鋭い批判の目を逃れるための彌縫策でなければ幸い、もし真に演劇人にして時局に寄与することに目ざめたならば、都会では一年の内数回しか興行せず重点を農漁村、鉱山、工場方面に利潤追求から脱却した演劇人の覚醒も望まれる。

更に主催者側である京城府社会事業協会に敢えて一言社会事業一部に充てるための興行であるそうだが、救済事業の本質が精神的更生にあるとすれば、硫黄島斬り込みの報を耳にし、厳粛な一日を送らんとする府民を、切符買いに狂奔せしめ混雑にまぎれて厳粛さを忘れ去るようなことは銃後の精神を錯乱に陥れる。精神的更生が府民を逆な方面に追いやっているではないか。

このような崇厳な発表のあった場合は直ちに興行をやめるべきだ。やめることがより多くの人たちの反省の貴い資となり精神更生のためになることを知るべきである。社会事業のためなら何をして基金を得てもよいという道理はない。

あくまでも時局的に、どこまでも道義的でなければならぬこと他よりも一層である。しかも整理員が鞭をふり廻して殺到する観衆を追いはらっていたのは、主催者が社会事業協会であっただけに、何かしら皮肉なものを感じさせた。【写真＝この群集の中に君の顔はないか】

Source: National Library of Korea, Digital Newspaper Archive