Dehumanization in Colonial Korea, 1943: Branding Koreans as 'just objects' for 'not understanding the blessings of Imperial Japan' and labeling them as 'hypocrites who are outwardly obedient, but inwardly rebellious in their hearts'

I'm posting here today to share a rather unsettling article from colonial Korea in 1943. It is timely, as this article was published almost exactly 80 years ago on June 19th, 1943. This piece details the activities of a Korean collaborator teacher named Mr. Ōhara. His actions during this dark period of history serve as a chilling reminder of the extent of Imperial Japanese indoctrination and control.

The article depicts Mr. Ōhara endeavoring to brainwash a group of young Korean girls at a textile factory, imposing upon them Imperial Japanese propaganda. The girls, some as young as 12 and 13 years old, were forced to speak only Japanese, identify as Japanese people, and pledge their loyalty to Imperial Japan.

Something peculiar and unsettling about this article is the warning it includes about "面従腹背" (menjū fukuhai), or hypocrisy. It's a term that portrays people as being outwardly obedient, but inwardly rebellious. The usage of this phrase betrays an intrinsic distrust towards the Korean people and their loyalties, a skepticism that ultimately proved justified with the jubilation expressed by most Koreans upon Imperial Japan's defeat in August 1945.

Furthermore, the article cruelly dehumanizes Koreans who resisted the Imperial Japanese identity, terming them "just objects". This chilling rhetoric reflects the cold colonial attitude - those Koreans who resisted were no longer viewed as humans but as objects.

This article also has curious allegations that the Koreans were actually Japanese in ancient times. 'Japanese-Korean Unification' propaganda often contained such attempts to paint ancient Koreans as Japanese. In later propaganda in 1944, this 'ancient Koreans = Japanese' propaganda would develop into calling Koreans the descendants of Susanoo, the younger brother of the Sun Goddess Amaterasu, the ancestor of the Japanese nation (see Governor-General Koiso's speech).

Mr. Ōhara, as portrayed in the article, is likely an ethnic Korean collaborator for Imperial Japan, with a narrative painting him as deeply influenced by his experiences at a teaching college in mainland Japan.

I must add a note about the ethics of posting such propaganda content. The intention behind sharing this distressing piece is not to sensationalize, but to bring to light a crucial part of history that is often buried or forgotten. It may be a controversial thing, but I believe that making such historical material accessible can help us grasp the scale of colonial injustices more clearly.

Regrettably, there is a dearth of English-language scholarship about the colonial period of Korean history, relative to the enormous wealth of primary source material that remains so poorly documented. As someone passionate about this topic, I aim to contribute to filling this knowledge gap, even if only a little, by posting these materials whenever I can. I believe this is crucial in providing a more nuanced understanding of Korea's past, as painful as it may be.

(Translation)

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) June 19, 1943

"Shame on hypocrites who are outwardly obedient, but inwardly rebellious in their hearts!"

Young workers were moved by Mr. Takeo Katō's speech and bursting with patriotism

"We are Imperial Citizens!"

[Busan telephone report] Now that there are 25 million people in the Korean peninsula needing to integrate and become distinguished Japanese people among a nation of 100 million, there is a passionate young man who, along with many workers, fuels the fiery spirit of loyalty and dedication to work. This man is Mr. Keiichi Ōhara (32), who works as a labor affairs officer at the Busan Forestry Industry Company, Busan Factory in Jeonpo-ri, Busan. Invited to come to Korea by the Korean Federation of National Power, the visiting speakers, including the writer Mr. Takeo Katō, have sparked Mr. Ōhara's patriotism into a raging torrent. Specifically, during the Busan speech, Mr. Katō advocated the unification of Japan and Korea as follows.

"Just 25 million Koreans cannot survive on their own. They must absolutely be with Japan. If Koreans show loyalty with such calculating feelings, that is not to be appreciated. Although the word Imperialization is being shouted these days, I don't think Imperialization is the right word. The Koreans were Imperial people from the very beginning, but they subsequently became separated from Japan. Through annexation, they returned to the old ways. The sincerity of our Korean brethren must be pure loyalty that springs forth naturally. There is no other way to prove this feeling than through our mutual blood."

Although his voice was low, Mr. Ōhara was strongly struck by how patiently and clearly Mr. Katō delivered his arguments with sincerity. Then, Mr. Ōhara jotted down his pent-up, boiling feelings in a letter and sent it to Mr. Katō, who was staying in Seoul. In his letter, Mr. Ōhara pledged his earnest oath to patriotism, lamented that a minority of the Korean people still have not become awake, expressed his joy for being born in Imperial Japan, and described the mental preparation that each person on the home front should bear in the decisive battle. Reading this, Mr. Katō said, "I am very happy to have found such a friend of passionate sympathies here. This is a great harvest from my coming to Korea," he said with satisfaction. Thus, a passionate bond was formed between Mr. Katō and Mr. Ōhara, which was superior to any teacher-student relationship. Now, let's take a look at Ōhara's life, which is "always on the battlefield":

When visiting the Busan factory of the forestry industry, you see that 140 to 150 working women (even though they are called working women, many are 12 or 13 years old) are working happily in front of their thread winding machines. These little female warriors are all daughters from poor families, and of course, they have not received schooling, but they speak excellent Japanese and live as Imperial people, attending one hour of lecture during lunch break everyday.

Original caption: Actual educational scene of Mr. Ōhara instructing the fighting girls at their workplace 

Leader Ōhara's warm thoughtfulness as a company executive has borne fruit today. After touring the factory, he said, "I used to be an elementary school teacher, but due to family circumstances and connections, I have been involved in this factory for two years". He continued to speak of his firm belief in the spirit of service at work as follows.

"These children (referring to the workers) are also among the 100 million of Imperial Japan. Those who cannot live life centered on the Japanese language will not possibly be able to understand the concept of the National Body. If you are a National Person and do not understand the blessings of Imperial Japan, then you are just an object. I was deeply moved by Mr. Katō's speech the other day. Although my power is weak, I want to improve the qualities of those children as Japanese people as much as possible. They are sincerely united in their one-hour lesson each day. The method of education starts with Volume 1 of the reader and generally progresses to Volume 4 in a year. Through activities such as various ceremonies, military songs, sending and receiving brave soldiers who are dispatched, I let them learn what kind of situation our nation is facing now. While I was studying at Seoul Teachers School, I learned the true, beautiful virtues of the people of mainland Japan from the communal life in the dormitory, but I cannot help but feel uncomfortable when I think that there are still many Korean compatriots who dare to have dark feelings of hypocrites who are outwardly obedient, but inwardly rebellious in their hearts, without coming into contact with these beautiful virtues. My words may be a little exaggerated, but if I can serve the Imperial Movement somewhat through my current field of work, I am happy to become a cornerstone and devote my life to this cause."

His speech becomes even hotter, and the enthusiastic spirit of the one who puts things into practice resonated strongly in his words. Eventually, the noon siren rang. The factory girls who came out from the work place offered silent prayers all at once. After a while, their lunch break ritual began. After Mr. Ōhara left for the education room, Mr. Yūhachi Katō, the factory manager, also said, "He is a very enthusiastic man. You can entrust him with everything. The workers' desire to learn the Japanese language is beyond our imagination, and there has been no turnover of female workers since this system was established. Their performance has increased so much that the company executives are telling us to follow the example of the Busan factory in Korea."

At that time, the factory's three teachings, "It is also a battlefield here!", "Follow Admiral Yamamoto's Example!", and "If this hand relaxes, then its fighting power will also relax!" could be heard overflowing from the windows full of spirit by the girls chanting and repeating them every day at the end of their lessons. Behold the brave appearance of these lovely, fighting girls! They are also becoming a force which will cooperate in the construction of Greater East Asia. [Photo = Actual educational scene of Mr. Ōhara instructing the fighting girls at their workplace (censored by Busan Fortress Command)]

(Transcription)

京城日報 1943年6月19日

恥じよ"面従腹背"

加藤武雄氏の講演に感動、迸る青年工員の愛国心

我等は皇民だ

【釜山電話】今こそ半島二千五百万が立派な日本人として一億の中に融け込まねばならぬと多数工員と共に烈々たる尽忠奉公の精神を燃えたたせ、職場に敢闘する熱血男子がある。それは釜山府田浦里森林産業会社、釜山工場に労務人事係として働く大原敬一君（三二）で、さきに国民総力朝鮮聯盟の招聘によって来鮮した作家、加藤武雄氏以下の講演行脚を機会に大原君の抱く愛国の熱情には遂に奔流となって堰を切った。即ち一行の釜山講演の際、加藤氏が説いた内鮮一体論。

「二千五百万だけじゃ生きてゆけない。矢張り日本と一緒でなければ駄目だ。こういった打算な気持ちで尽くす忠義なら有難くないが、また近頃皇民化が叫ばれている。皇民化ではない。もともと皇民であったのだが、途中一寸別れていただけで併合によって古に復ったのだ。朝鮮同胞の赤誠は自然に湧き出る純粋な忠魂でなければいかん。この気持ちはお互いの血液を以て証明するより外にない。」

声は低いが真情を吐露して諄々語る加藤氏の論旨に大原君は強く打たれた。そして間もなく同君は鬱勃として沸き立つ自分の気持ちを一文に綴り、滞城中の加藤氏へ送った。文面には我が身の生い立ちから皇国日本に生を享けた歓喜、半島人にして未だに目覚めぬ少数の一部があるのを歎じ、決戦下銃後の一人一人が負担すべき心構え等、切切と愛国の至誠を誓っており、これを読んだ加藤氏は、「僕はここにこんな一人の熾烈な共感共志の友を得たことはこの上なく嬉しい。こんどの来鮮での大いなる収穫である」とさも満足げに語った。かくして加藤氏と大原君との間には忽ち師弟の関係にも勝る熾烈なる心の契りが結ばれたのであるが、さて大原君の実践する"常在戦場"生活とは？

森林産業釜山工場を訪ねると、撚糸業を営む同工場には百四、五十名の工女さん（工女といっても十二、三歳の少女が多い）達が繰糸機の前で嬉々として働いていた。この小さな女戦士は皆貧しい家庭の子女で、学校教育など勿論受けて居ないが、一日一時間昼休みを利用しての講習で立派な国語を話し皇民の生活をなしている。

一人の指導者大原氏の熱を会社重役の温かい思いやりが期せずして今日の実を結んだのだ。工場を一巡した後、同君に聞けば、「僕はもと国民学校の教員でしたが、家庭の事情と縁あって二年前からここの工場に厄介になっています」と前置きして職域奉公の貫く堅き信念を語り続ける。

「あの子供（工員を指す）らも一億の一人です。国語生活が出来ない者に国体観念など解る筈がありません。国民にして若し皇国日本の有難さが解らないとすれば、それは単なる物体に等しい。僕は先日加藤先生の講演にいたく感動を覚えました。微力ではありますが、あの子供達にいくらかでも日本人としての資質を向上してやりたいと思っています。一日一時間の学課にみんなは心から一心になっています。教育の方法としては読本の巻一から始めて一年間に大体巻四まで進める。その他いろいろの儀式や軍歌、出征勇士の歓送迎等、実際を通じて国家が今どんな場面に直面しているかを話して聞かせます。僕は京城師範に在学中、寄宿舎の共同生活に於いて内地人の真実の美点を習得しましたが、多くの半島人の同胞の中にはまだまだこの美点に触れることなく敢えて"面従腹背"の暗い気持ちで居るのがありやしないか、思うだに不快です。言葉は少し大袈裟ですが、僕の現在の職域を通じて皇民運動に多少なりと尽くすことが出来たら喜んで礎石となり一命を捧げていいと決心しています。」

語気はいよいよ熱を帯び、実践する者の気魄が言葉の中に強く響く。やがて正午のサイレンが鳴った。職場から出て来た女工さん達が一斉にその場で黙祷を捧げる。暫くして彼女らのお昼の日課がはじまった。大原君が教養室へ去ったあとで工場長の加藤勇八氏も、「実に熱心な男です。あれなら全部任せていい。工員らの国語を習いたいという意欲はわれわれの想像以上で、この制度を設けてから女工の移動がありませんね。それだけ業績も挙って本社の重役も朝鮮の釜山工場を見倣えといっている位です」と述懐した。

そのとき教養室の窓からは女工さん達の唱和する工場三訓、「ここも戦場だ」、「山本元帥に続け」、「この手弛めば戦力弛む」が元気一ぱいな声で窓から溢れて来る。学課の終わりに毎日繰り返される職場の固き誓いである、可憐な少女達の闘う健気な姿。これも大東亜建設へ協力する戦力となるのだ【写真＝大原君と職場に働く少女戦士の教養実況（釜山要司検閲済み）】

Source: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-06-19

Spotlight on 1943 Seoul: A Glimpse into the Russian Tatar Refugee Community, Marja Ibrahim's Poetry Tribute to Tatar National Poet Ğabdulla Tuqay on the 30-year anniversary of his death

 Following on from a previous post about the small community of Russian Tatars residing in Seoul in 1943, I'm glad to bring you fresh insights from two additional articles I've discovered from that era—two articles published in March and April 1943, respectively. These pieces provide further details on the lives and experiences of the Russian Tatars who were exiled from their homeland.

In the previous post, we delved into the interesting story of a 19-year-old Tatar woman named Martiya Ibrahim, who was extolled by the colonial regime for her selfless leadership within her diasporic community. Intriguingly, this April 1943 article introduces us to another figure, a 20-year-old Tatar woman named Marja Ibrahim. She is depicted reciting an epic poem in a poignant tribute to Ğabdulla Tuqay, a celebrated Tatar national poet. This leaves us with an intriguing question—could Martiya and Marja be the same person?

An additional facet of interest emerges from the March 1943 article, shedding light on how even in colonial Korea, foreign communities were not exempt from the far-reaching grip of the war. It reveals that war donation efforts were an expectation levied not only upon the local population, but also on the foreign diaspora residing there. This compelling detail draws us deeper into the complexities of life in 1943 Seoul, from a unique perspective rarely explored.

(Translation)

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) March 26, 1943
To the Wounded Warriors
Donations from Turkic Muslims

As the movements of Muslims within the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere through Burma and India, draw attention, playing an increasingly significant role behind the scenes of the battlefield, a Muslim group composed of Turkic Tatars residing in Seoul said, "We owe our peaceful day-to-day lives entirely to the greatness of Japan, and we must especially express our sincere gratitude for the efforts of the warriors wounded in the Greater East Asia War."

Under the advocacy of Mr. Yankuraj (70), the head imam of the Muslim group living at 106-3, Wakakusa-chō [present-day Cho-dong (초동)], Seoul, Mr. Muslin (50), a Turkic Tatar who runs a Western clothing store on Namdaemun Street in the Golden District, along with over ten others, brought 118 yen to the Honmachi police station on March 25th. Simultaneously, a children's group contributed 65 yen. They stated, "It's a small amount, but we are offering our savings as consolation money for Japan's brave wounded warriors," which deeply moved Police Chief Masaoka. [Photo = Turkic Tatar Muslim group donating consolation money to wounded warriors]

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) April 11, 1943
Tatars are commemorating a Patriot Poet
Welfare visits in the city

To celebrate the 30th anniversary of the death of Mr. Ğabdulla Tuqay, revered as a national poet, the Turkic Tatar Cultural Association in Seoul plans to host a memorial service on his death anniversary. The service will take place at noon on the upcoming 15th at the Hasegawa Town Christian Youth Center. They will pay tribute to Mr. Tuqay, the patriot poet who passed away young, and remember his achievements.

On the day of the event, Miss Marja Ibrahim (20), who resides in Honmachi 3-chōme, will be performing a recitation of a long poem, along with charming children's poetry dramas, to commemorate the great deeds of the pioneers of Asian revival. [Photo = Miss Marja Ibrahim reciting poetry]

(Transcription)

1943年3月26日 京城日報
傷つける勇士へ
トルコ回教徒の献金

ビルマ、印度を通じて大東亜共栄圏内の回教徒の動向が注目され、戦果の蔭に大きな役割が果たされつつある時、京城在住のトルコタタール人から成る回教徒団体では『私共が朝夕平和な生活が送れるのも全く日本の偉大さのお蔭であり、殊に大東亜戦争に傷つかれた傷痍勇士の方々のお働きには真心から感謝の誠を捧げねばなりません』と京城若草町一〇六の三、回教徒団体長牧師ヤンクラジ氏（七〇）の主唱で黄金町南大門通りに洋服商を営むトルコタタール人ムスリン氏（五〇）他十余名で百十八円同じく児童女子側が六十五円を二十五日、本町署に持参。『僅かですが、平素の貯金を勇敢な日本の傷痍勇士の慰問金にお捧げ致します』と献金正岡署長を感激させた。【写真＝傷痍勇士慰問献金のトルコタタール回教徒団体】

1943年4月11日 京城日報
憂国の詩人を偲ぶ韃靼人
街の慰問袋

”民族の詩人”としてその偉大さを謳われるガブドラトカイ氏逝いて早くも三十周年在城のトルコタタール文化協会では若くして逝いた憂国の詩人ガブドラトカイ氏の功績を偲ぶため命日に当る来る十五日正午から長谷川町キリスト教青年会館で追悼会を催すが、当日は本町三丁目に住むマルジャ・イブラヒム嬢（二〇）が長編詩の朗読を行うほか可憐な児童の詩劇など上演して亜細亜復興の先人の偉業を偲ぶと言います【写真＝詩を朗読するマルジャ・イブラヒム嬢】

Source 1: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-03-26

Source 2: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-04-11

Severe 1940s wartime housing crisis in urban areas of Japan-colonized Korea: housing shortfalls worsening each year, exacerbated by rent control, 2-3 families sharing one house, young people unable to marry or start families due to housing shortage

This article from 1943 covers the severe wartime housing crisis in Korea which was particularly acute in urban areas and industrial hubs. The article blames the housing shortage on various factors, including rapid urban population growth, expansion of industries, increasing incomes, and rent control policies hindering investment in rental housing. From 1939-1941, while the number of new households increased annually by 57,627, there was a stark deficit in the number of new housing units, with only 18,000 units added each year, leading to a yearly shortfall of around 20,000 units. Major cities, including Seoul, Pyongyang, Busan, and Chongjin, experienced significant housing deficits. This led to many social problems, including young people unable to marry and start families. Due to overcrowding, workers sought respite outside the home, which is why movie theaters had an outsized importance in this era for workers seeking an escape from their miserable reality.

Just as many young people today in Mainland China lament their inability to purchase homes, which poses a barrier to marriage, Korean youths apparently faced similar predicaments eight decades ago, during the final years of Imperial Japanese colonial rule.

(Translation)

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo), September 29, 1943

Three households in one house

Laborers have no homes to rest in

The War Lifestyle Reader Series: Housing (Part 1)

The words "house for rent" were written in black letters on a white piece of paper pasted messily on a lattice door of a residential home. Who has not seen such signs before? But now it has become a dream of the distant past. You have found someone to marry, but you don't have a house. You have been transferred to another city, but you can't go there because you can't find a house. It is no exaggeration to say that you will always be able to find three or four advertisements in the daily newspaper saying "Seeking a house for rent" or "No questions asked about the rent". Even a casual greeting to an acquaintance in passing would turn into a whine of, "By the way, do you know where I can find a house?" Indeed, the housing crisis is a serious concern shared by citizens of all belligerent nations of the world. So what is the relationship between war and housing, and how is it being resolved?

Original caption: "House for Rent" - that too has now become a dream of the distant past.

WARTIME HOUSING PROBLEMS

To sum up, similar to the previously discussed matters of "clothing" and "food," the issue of health and hygiene is of equal importance in guaranteeing a basic standard of living for our fighting nation. In today's age, when productive capacity directly correlates with war fighting potential, the ongoing housing crisis affecting ordinary people and the productivity of laborers is just as critical as food security, not merely a social issue as it was perceived in the past. Moreover, if we look at postwar population strategies through the lens of national development via population growth, we can argue that the barriers to population increase, such as challenges related to marriage, separate living, dormitories, and room rental, represent a substantial national issue, if not a concern for our co-prosperity sphere. So, what are the measures taken during wartime to address housing? But before diving into that, it's important to understand: why did the war result in such a severe housing crisis?

TWO TYPES OF HOUSING DIFFICULTIES

In essence, we can categorize housing difficulties into two distinct types. The first involves an imbalance between supply and demand due to fluctuating prices, a phenomenon that was common during past recessionary periods. The second type is an outright shortage of housing relative to demand, a situation we typically see during wartime. However, does this imply that Korea's wartime population grew so swiftly that we couldn't build enough housing to accommodate everyone? Not exactly. The housing shortage was prominent not in rural areas, but primarily in cities, mines, factories, and other hubs. This circumstance arose from a combination of factors brought on by the war:

1. Rapid population growth in urban areas was spurred by the expansion of government offices, companies, and other enterprises.
2. The sudden rise of the military iron and steel industry led to an increase in production, which caused workers in these industries to quickly flock to these sites.
3. The increase in income of these industrial workers inevitably led to them seeking to establish their own homes, rather than continuing to share houses or rent rooms as they did before.
4. Conversely, the soaring cost of land, difficulty in obtaining construction materials such as steel, the lack of construction workers, and the cessation of land rent control led to a halt in investment in rental housing, culminating in a significant housing shortage.

WE NEED TO BUILD 88,000 HOUSING UNITS PER YEAR

Assessing the current situation on the Korean peninsula through a numerical lens, the average yearly increase of new households and net gain in housing units (accounting for both new constructions and demolitions) across all major Korean cities between 1939 and 1941 was 57,627 households and 17,999 housing units, respectively. Intriguingly, while the number of households has been increasing steadily year after year, the availability of housing units has been on the decline, which was particularly noticeable in 1940. It's easy to conjecture that this trend has likely become even more pronounced since then. Notably, the new households include cohabiting living arrangements, apartments, and dormitories, so not all of them would need new housing. However, based on the ratio of housing units to households, which was 63% according to the 1938 survey, the annual requirement for housing units can be calculated to be around 38,000. This number is considerably higher than the aforementioned 17,999 units provided, leading to an annual deficit of about 20,000 housing units. As of the end of 1941, the housing shortages across all of Korea, according to a survey conducted by the Governor-General's Office in the previous October, are as follows:

• Seoul: 41,333 housing unit deficit
• Pyongyang: 5,559 housing unit deficit
• Busan: 9,041 housing unit deficit
• Chongjin: 8,472 housing unit deficit

The total number of households in the 38 provinces and towns in all of Korea is over 106,000. Many of them have families but are forced to rent rooms, live in dormitories, or live separately from their families. The reality is that two or three households often have no choice but to share one house. According to a survey conducted by the Governor-General's Office, the following is a summary of the current situation.

City	Renting Rooms	Sharing Houses	Single-household Houses
Seoul	33%	17%	50%
Busan	20.8%	7.2%	72%
Pyongyang	31%	9%	60%
Hamhung	12.3%	11%	76.6%
Chongjin	9.3%	9.1%	81.6%

(Note: Figures are rounded down to the nearest 0.0%.)

In other words, in the above five cities, 68% of the respondents lived in a house occupied by a single household, 21% rented rooms, and 11% shared their homes with other households.

NO RESTING PLACES FOR LABORERS

Therefore, homes to which workers return after a bustling day at work or after arduous manual labor during wartime have ceased to be sanctuaries of rest and relaxation. Instead, people seek respite outside the home. Entertainment districts teem with activity throughout the day, and movie theaters are marked by lengthy queues from morning till night. This kind of scene, which seems so out of sync with the times, may indeed warrant condemnation. However, it's only fair to say that those living in lavish mansions and comfortable official residences, who have never faced a housing crisis in their lives, should not be the ones to pass judgment or criticize such individuals.

Source: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-09-29

(Transcription)

京城日報　1943年9月29日

一戸に三世帯の割

労務者に憩いの家なし

戦争生活読本　住の巻（上）

しもたや風の格子戸に雑に貼られた白い紙に、黒く書かれた『貸家』の文字。嘗てそれを散見しなかった人があろうか。だが、今はもう、それは遠い過去の夢だ。結婚の相手は決まったがサテ家がない。転勤にはなったが家がなくて赴任出来ぬ。日々の新聞の広告欄に『求貸家』、『不問家賃』の三つ四つ見られぬことは絶対ないといって過言でない。偶々往来で出遭った知人との挨拶も『ところで何処か家はないでしょうか』との泣き言に変わって来る始末。まことに住宅難こそは、世界の凡ゆる交戦国国民にとって共通する深刻な悩みである。然らば戦争と住宅。それは如何なる関係にあり、如何なる風に解決されんとしつつあるのであろうか。

戦時下の住宅問題

それは結論的にいって前述の『衣』、『食』の問題同様、戦う国民の保健衛生上、最低限度の生活確保という点で同じ比重を持つ重要問題である。特に生産力の増強が、直接戦力の増強である今日、労務者で庶民階級の住宅難が及ぼす生産力への影響は、食糧問題に決して劣らぬ重大問題であり、嘗ての如き単なる社会問題では絶対にないのである。さらに戦後の人口対策、民族発展のための人口増殖という点より考察する場合、即ち具体的にいって住宅難のための結婚難、別居生活、下宿、間借り生活等が、人口増殖への障害は国家的、いや共栄圏的重大問題であるともいえるであろう。では、戦時下の住宅対策は、ということになるが、その前に戦争は何故に斯くも深刻な住宅難を招来したのであろうか。

住宅難の二つの型

住宅難については原則として二つの型がある。一つは価格の点による需給の不円滑であり、これは嘗ての不景気時代の現象であった。そしてもう一つは需要に対する供給量の絶対不足である。後者が戦時下の現下に於ける現象であることはいうまでもない。しかし、それでは、戦時下の国内人口がそれだけに急激に増加し、それに対する住宅の建築が伴わないであろうか。といえばそうではない。何故ならば住宅難は農村ではこれを見ることなく独り都会地或いは鉱山、工場等の事業地にのみ限られた問題だからである。即ち戦争の結果：

１．官公署、会社その他の事務が膨張し人口の都市集中が急激に増加した。

２．生産増強のための軍需鉄工業が頓に勃興し、これらの従業員がこれら事業地に急激に集中したこと。

３．これら事業関係の労務者の収入増は、必然的に従来の如き同居、間借り生活から独立して一戸を構えるに至ったこと。

４．一方に於いて地価の昂騰、建鉄資材の入手難、建築労務者の不足及び地代家賃統制のストップ令等により貸家への投資中止即ち建築の手控えが行われたこと等により住宅の絶対不足となったものである。

年八万八千戸の要

茲で少しく半島の現状につき数字的に見れば、昭和十四年より十六年迄の三ヶ年に於ける全鮮主要都市の世帯増加数と新築及び滅失取り壊しによる実際供給戸数の平均は、世帯増加の年間平均五万七千六百二十七に対し供給戸数の平均は一万七千九百九十九となっており、特に世帯増加は年々増加しているのに反し、供給戸数は十五年を中心に減少しているのである。そして斯かる現象はその後の情勢からさらに著しくなっているだろうことは推察に難くない。尤も増加世帯のうちには同居、アパート住まい、下宿生活等もあるので、その全部が住宅を必要とするわけではないが、昭和十三年末調査による世帯数に対する住宅戸数の割合六分三厘の比率を以て、所要供給戸数を算出してみても年間三万八千戸の必要となり、前述の供給戸数一万七千九百九十九戸では差引き約二万戸ずつが年々不足している勘定となるのである。また総督府昨年十月調査の十六年末現在全鮮住宅不足数を見ると、

• 京城：41,333戸
• 平壌：5,559戸
• 釜山：9,041戸
• 清津：8,472戸

となって居り、全鮮三十八府邑の合計では実に十万六千余戸というその多数が、家庭は持ちながらも已むなく間借り、下宿、或いは家族との別居を余儀なくされているのである。即ち一軒の家に二世帯も三世帯も同居せねばならぬということになっているのが現状で、これも総督府の調査では次の如くになっている。

• 京城：　間貸：33%　同居：17%　同居なし：50%
• 釜山： 間貸：20.8%　同居：7.2%　同居なし：72%
• 平壌：　間貸：31%　同居：9%　同居なし：60%
• 咸興：　間貸：12.3%　同居：11%　同居なし：76.6%
• 清津：　間貸：9.3%　同居：9.1%　同居なし：81.6%

(註＝0.0%位以下切り捨て)

即ち以上の五府についてみても一戸一世帯居住は68%で、21%は間貸、11%は同居となって居るのである。

労務者安息所なし

かくては、戦時下の繁忙な執務を終えて、或いは劇しい労働に疲れて帰る憩いの家は、決して休息と静養のための生活の温床とはならず、人々は屋外ヘ憩いを求め繁華街は、わけもなく終日雑沓し、映画館は朝から長蛇の列に囲繞される結果となるのである。あまりにも非時局的な此の種の街の風景は、当然非難されるべきではあるが、しかしそれは到底、豪壮な邸宅や悠然たる官舎に住宅難を経験せぬ人々からの無反省な批判、非難は当を得ないものであるといっても差支えないのではなかろうか。

A look into the foreign films showing in Korean movie theaters in April/May 1943: L'antenato (1936), Capriccio (1938), Ein Lied für dich (1933), Fahrendes Volk (1938), Le Bal (1931), Heimat (1938), Un soir de rafle (1931)

This post will be a continuation of my exploration into the kinds of foreign movies that Seoul residents might have watched in 1943, when Imperial Japan was in the middle of a desperate war. To mark exactly 80 years since April and May 1943, I scanned the Keijo Nippo newspapers for any movie ads for foreign films that were showing at movie theaters in Seoul for those months. I identified the movies based on the Japanese titles as well as clues left in the ads themselves, such as the plot lines and the names of the directors and actors. As you can see, there were three German films, one French film, and one Italian film showing in April 1943, and just one German film and one French film showing in May 1943.

Foreign movies shown in April 1943:

• L'antenato (Italy, 1936)
• Capriccio (Germany, 1938)
• Ein Lied für dich (Germany, 1933)
• Fahrendes Volk (Germany, 1938)
• Le Bal (France, 1931)

Foreign movies shown in May 1943:

• Heimat (Germany, 1938)
• Un soir de rafle (France, 1931)

Let's take a look at the foreign movies which were screened in April 1943:

L'antenato (The Ancestor) was a 1936 Italian comedy starring Antonio Gandusio and Paola Barbara, who are depicted in these movie ads. This movie was showing at least on April 5th and perhaps other days in April. The following ads are from the April 3, April 4, and April 11 editions of Keijo Nippo.

Capriccio was a 1938 German historical comedy starring Lilian Harvey, who is featured in this movie ad which was published on April 17. The movie was showing for three days from April 17 to April 19. The full movie with English subtitles is available on Youtube here.

Ein Lied für dich (A Song for You) was a 1933 German romantic musical starring Jenny Jugo, who is featured in this movie ad published on April 17. This movie was showing for three days from April 17 to April 19.

Fahrendes Volk (People Who Travel) was a 1938 German drama film starring Françoise Rosay, who is featured in this movie ad published on April 30. This movie was showing for three days from April 30 to May 2. The full movie is available on Youtube here.

Le Bal (The Ball) was a 1931 French comedy drama film starring Danielle Darrieux, who is featured in this movie ad published on April 30. This movie was showing for three days from April 30 to May 2. 

Let's now take a look at the two foreign movies which were screened in May 1943:

Heimat (Homeland) was a 1938 German historical drama starring Zarah Leander, who is featured in this movie ad published on May 13. This movie opened on May 13th. The full movie is available on the Internet Archive here. Incidentally, this movie was also shown in March 1943.

Un soir de rafle (Dragnet Night) was a 1931 French romantic drama starring Annabella, who is featured in this movie ad published on May 13. It was screened for three days from May 13 to May 15. The full movie is available on Internet Archive here.

Source 1: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-04-03
Source 2: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-04-04
Source 3: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-04-11
Source 4: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-04-17
Source 5: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-04-30
Source 6: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-05-13

Korean director of Straits of Chosun (1943) muted the war propaganda of this Imperial Japanese film to make it a humanistic story about young Korean man from wealthy family who enlists with a heavy heart to win his father’s acceptance of his lower-class wife, rather than from blind patriotism

The following is my thorough transcription, translation, and in-depth analysis/review of an intriguing piece of classic Korean cinematography, which is only in the Japanese language due to unjust colonial policies. Feeling that it is yet another piece of colonial injustice that this piece of Korean film history is inaccessible to Koreans because of the language barrier, I decided to spend some time studying this film.

The Straits of Chosun (朝鮮海峡, 조선해협) (1943) was a propaganda film produced with support from the government of colonial Korea to encourage young Korean men to volunteer to enlist in the Imperial Army. It wanted to show young Koreans that they could also become honorable Imperial soldiers just like the ethnic Japanese.

It is 1943 in Seoul, Korea. Lee Seong-gi (Rinoiye Seiki in Japanese, acted by Nam Seung-min) is a young man from a privileged Korean Yangban family background who was kicked out of the house by his father for marrying Mihara Geum-sook (Mihara Kinshuku in Japanese, acted by Mun Ye-bong), a trusting, kind-hearted Korean woman from an impoverished family background. Seong-gi's father is a traditional Yangban man who cares about family pedigree, so he cannot let Seong-gi marry someone from a much lesser family background.

Geum-sook and Seong-gi during happier days.

Seong-gi (성기, 成基) leaves his lower-class wife, Geum-sook (금숙, 錦淑), to join the Imperial Army in hopes that his father will finally become proud of him and then eventually relent to give his blessing to his marriage. Infuriatingly, Geum-sook's husband left her without telling her anything and broke off all contact with her, leaving his wife confused and distraught, but steadfastly believing that he will eventually come back. Suddenly finding herself without any income, she goes to work to support herself and her newborn baby, and gets from help from Eiko, her Japanese friend, Kiyoko, her husband's younger sister, and others along the way. She sees her husband marching in a military parade, and also tries to meet him as his train departs for the war front, but she just barely misses him. They both somehow end up hospitalized - he is recovering from his wounds in a war hospital in Japan, she is recovering from work exhaustion in a Korean hospital, and they reunite over the phone. Seong-gi's father finally accepts Geum-sook.

Since the target audience was young Koreans, the colonial regime wanted this film to be made by and for Koreans. This is why this film has a Korean director (Park Gi-chae), and the actors are almost all Korean, down to the Imperial Army soldiers who shout 'Banzai to His Majesty the Emperor!' The only credited Japanese actor is Tsubaki Sumie who plays Eiko, the ethnic Japanese friend of Geum-sook. Many well-renowned Korean actors make their appearances with superb acting performances, including Nam Seong-min (playing Seong-gi), Kim Il-hae (playing Seong-gi's father), and Mun Ye-bong (playing Geum-sook), who became a decorated North Korean actress after the war. One of the songs of was sung by Park Hyang-rim, a famous singer who tragically did not survive the war.

Ironically, this film made by and for Koreans was not allowed to use the Korean language due to draconian colonial policies at the time, so that is why all the dialogue in this film is in the Japanese language. Nevertheless, the Koreanness of this film still stands out in the way the film visits well-known locations in Seoul and depicts the everyday lives of the Korean people of Seoul.

This film may superficially look just like any other Imperial Japanese war propaganda film at first glance. Geum-sook serves in the war by working in a factory and then raising her son to become a fine soldier, while her husband fights on the battle front for Imperial Japan. Japanese-Korean Unification themes also pervade this film. Geum-sook's Japanese friend Eiko is the impetus in injecting human kindness into the family, first by befriending Geum-sook, and then by inspiring Seong-gi's sister to become the voice of reason by bringing the traditionally minded parents and the earnest daughter-in-law together.

However, researchers have actually found this film very strange and atypical for its genre. Whereas other Imperial Japanese war films has soldiers willing to die gloriously and joyously for the Emperor, Seong-gi is motivated to enlist not out of blind devotion to the Emperor, but rather out of a simple desire to earn his father's approval to legitimize his love marriage to his wife. There is also no sign of Seong-gi actually enjoying being a soldier. Unlike other war films where soldiers go off to war confident and carefree, Seong-gi goes off to war with his heart worried and unsettled, since his wife still has to experience hardships and his father still disapproves of his wife while he is fighting. Thus, the Straits of Chosun is quite remarkable for depicting the realities of war service in such a complex light.

In other words, this war propaganda film turns out to be less of a war mongering story, and more of a humanist story about one strongly Confucian family that transcends the bounds of tradition to welcome one gentle, kindhearted woman into the family through human kindness. It is for this reason that there is speculation in the blogosphere that director Park Gi-chae may have subtly added other subversive subtexts and undertones into this film. For example, Seong-gi's father is depicted as a very unlikable, extreme Imperialist ideologue, a very unflattering depiction of the real-life Imperialist propaganda that pervaded colonial Korea at this time.

One reviewer even ventures to say, "Straits of Chosun accidentally makes an argument for liberal modernity in which men and women are equal partners in their shared endeavour, the class system has collapsed, and the individual has the right to determine their own destiny free of familial obligation." I wouldn't go so far as to say that. The colonial regime's intention with this film was to release Koreans from familial obligation, so that they could volunteer for enlistment more freely, encourage more women into the workplace, and make everyone an Imperial subject with a single-minded devotion to the Emperor. However, it is admittedly easier to read such subtexts into this film, when the war mongering element of this war propaganda film is so unexpectedly muted.

As hinted by the cherry blossoms that dominate the film, much of the filming was done during March/April 1943 in Gahoe-dong, which was traditionally an exclusive area for nobles, scholars, and residences of government officials where there are many beautiful trees (Source: Keijo Nippo April 17, 1943). The film was said to be an "unprecedented box-office success for a Korean film" when it was released on July 29, 1943 (Source: Terukuni-Sanjin Blog) . Some 138,750 people were said to have watched this film in Seoul, Pyongyang, and Busan.

This film was actually rediscovered in 2005 by the Korea Film Archive survey team who visited the China Film Archive in Beijing. A copy of film was left in Hubei, China by retreating Japanese forces, then picked up by victorious Chinese forces, and then archived and copied by the Chinese authorities after the war. Since so many films from that era were lost or destroyed, it's a fortunate thing that this one somehow survived against all odds. This Google Arts and Culture page shows more materials from this film, including a souvenir group photo that shows all the actors.

This film was persumably sponsored by Riyapapa Cream and Movian Cream, whose product placement ads can be seen in random locations: beside a family photo, on a window in Geum-sook's house. Whashin Department Store may have also sponsored this film, because it features prominently in one scene where Eiko goes on a shopping trip with her friends to buy baby clothes for Geum-sook's baby.

I've posted a video with my Japanese transcription and English subtitles here. Credit to @classicalmovieanimation3151 for posting this video. The following is a longer plot summary with some bookmarks to specific time marks in the film for accessibility.

Longer Plot Summary

[1:45] Seong-gi secretly sneaks into his family home to pay respects to the enshrined remains of his older brother, who was killed in battle. Seong-gi would be next in line as the second eldest son to carry the Lee family name. But, he overhears his father berating him. Dejected, Seong-gi leaves his family home. His younger sister Kiyoko runs into him, and she tells Seong-gi that she'll try to change their father's mind about Geum-sook, but Seong-gi is pessimistic about it.

Seong-gi's parents

[7:18] Geum-sook visits her Japanese friend Eiko, distraught that her husband has gone missing without warning. But she trusts Seong-gi, reasoning that there must be a good reason for his disappearance, and she chooses to wait for him as long as possible.

[9:00] Seong-gi visits his uncle, who is initially unwilling to listen to him. The uncle has been financially supporting Seong-gi in secret behind his father's back, but only for the sake of his mother. The uncle sees Seong-gi as a lazy leach who refuses to work, noting that Seong-gi dropped out of college after marrying Geum-sook. But when Seong-gi tells his uncle that he will join the Imperial Army, his uncle is delighted. However, his uncle still does not accept Geum-sook.

Seong-gi and his uncle

[14:26] Geum-sook has lived a comfortable life with Seong-gi, but now she is short of money ever since his disappearance. Her housekeeper offers to be at her side for free, and Geum-sook gives her some of her treasured clothes as compensation. A young boy pretentiously acts as her boss, giving her some stitching work to do on the side.

Geum-sook gets some sewing work from a boy

[18:15] Eiko visits Geum-sook again and offers to let her stay at her home. Eiko takes Geum-sook for a nice stroll at the Gyeongbokgung Palace, where Eiko suggests that she forget about her husband, and that she could ask her husband's family for help, but Geum-sook stays steadfastly loyal to her missing husband, insisting that she can handle this kind of hardship.

Geum-sook and Eiko at Gyeongbokgung Palace

[24:53] It's spring, and there are cherry blossoms. Seong-gi has joined the army as a voluntary soldier, and he is at an Imperial Army training center. He gets a letter from Kiyoko, his younger sister, letting him know she just found out that he got married. Kiyoko wonders what kind of woman he married.

Seong-gi at army canteen being harassed by a comrade

[28:47] In a flashback sequence, Geum-sook recalls happier days spent with Seong-gi, when they looked forward to having children together. As she wipes away her tears, she goes on mending clothes.

[30:13] In the meantime, Eiko gathers her friends and goes on a shopping trip to Whashin Department Store to buy some baby clothes for Geum-sook. Eiko then meets Kiyoko at a coffee shop and offers her help. However, Kiyoko is unsure if Geum-sook would accept the baby clothes, explaining that Korean culture has a lot more rules and customs to consider than in Japan. Nevertheless, Eiko persuades Kiyoko to offer the baby clothes to Geum-sook.

Eiko and her two Korean friends picking out baby clothes at Whashin Department Store.

[32:36] Later, Kiyoko's father warns her to never let Seong-gi know about the baby. Heeding her father's orders for now, but unable to forget about Geum-sook, Kiyoko visits Geum-sook and offers her the baby clothes, but Geum-sook rejects them.

[36:46] Geum-sook gives birth to a baby boy at home, assisted by a team of friends and a midwife. The women heat water on the kitchen stove and take the hot water to the birthing room. Kiyoko tells her mother about the baby boy, but her mother tries to suppress her excitement, as if it were the wrong emotion to have.

Warming some water in the kitchen for Geum-sook who is in labor.

[40:26] Seong-gi's father reads the news and finds out that his son Seong-gi will be in a military parade, and the whole family is delighted. Carrying her newborn, Geum-sook chases after Seong-gi along the parade route in vain, hoping to get even a brief glimpse of her husband.

Geum-sook carries her child through the streets during military parade.

[45:53] Geum-sook has found work at a clothing factory. At noon, the alarm blares and she observes the Moment of Silence to honor fallen Imperial soldiers. During her break time, she sews a senninbari cloth war amulet for good luck for her husband.

Geum-sook hard at work at clothing factory.

[47:22] There is a family celebration at the Lee family home for Seong-gi's last dinner at home before he goes off to war. Seong-gi tells his family he wants to make one last visit to a friend before he heads to the train station. But he receives a secret note from his younger sister, and he learns for the first time that he has a newborn baby. He also finds out where his wife lives. Seong-gi heads there instead.

Seong-gi has his last dinner with his family before deployment.

[51:35] Seong-gi visits the house where his wife now lives, but it turns out she is still at work at the clothing factory, and she is not home yet. Seong-gi cannot wait, so he continues on to the train station before Geum-sook has the chance to come see him.

[52:19] Seong-gi's younger sister Kiyoko calls to let Geum-sook know that Seong-gi stopped by, so Geum-sook leaves work early and hurries back home, but barely misses him. She and Kiyoko hurry to the train station on a taxi, but also miss him there. Dejected, Geum-sook drops the cloth war amulet that she had meant to give Seong-gi. It is then that Kiyoko and her mother arrive, and Geum-sook meets her mother-in-law for the first time.

Geum-sook misses her husband's departure and cries.

[1:02:57] Seong-gi injures his foot in battle, while Geum-sook collapses from exhaustion on the factory floor. Geum-sook is in a hospital in Seoul, while Seong-gi is recovering in a war hospital in mainland Japan.

[1:03:30] Father is infuriated at Kiyoko for telling Seong-gi about his baby. The father keeps rejecting his grandchild, so Kiyoko takes the baby and plops him right in front of her father. Her father's heart gradually melts and he takes a liking to his new grandchild.

[1:09:19] Geum-sook receives an international call from Seong-gi across the Strait of Korea. Seong-gi reveals that he wasn't going to contact his wife until he got his father's approval of his wife.

Geum-sook recovering at a hospital.

[1:12:26] Seong-gi's father finally comes to visit Geum-sook in the hospital and give his blessing to her marriage to Seong-gi. Meanwhile, Seong-gi walks along the beach in Japan with a nurse and looks across the Strait in the direction of Korea, looking forward to reuniting with his wife again.

Seong-gi and nurse standing on a beach in Japan looking in the direction of Korea.

Rationing sugar and sweets in 1943 Seoul: lucky families got coveted ration books issued by snack retailers, while others received nothing, one mother collapsed in line waiting to buy one cookie for her infant, so Patriotic Groups intervened to prioritize rationing to children and the military

This article from 1943 Seoul discusses the rationing of sugar and sweet snacks that was instituted due to the shortage of sugar supplies, which were just 18% of 1938-1939 levels. Families were issued ration books by each sweets retailer and given their allotment of sweets based on the size of each household. Some families gamed the system by receiving ration books from multiple retailers and getting more sweets that way. Others were not so lucky and had to wait in long lines for scarce supplies. There is one anecdote about one mother who collapsed in line waiting to buy one cookie for her infant. Sweet snacks were produced in factories as well as in the retail shops, but much of the supplies were diverted into the black market. The article proposes solutions, including more involvement by the Patriotic Groups and the retailers association to prioritize the distribution of sweet snacks to children and the military.

Patriotic Groups (JP: aikoku-han, KR: aeguk-ban, 愛國班) were neighborhood cells which functioned as the local arm of the Korean Federation of National Power (国民総力朝鮮連盟, 국민총력조선연맹). Every Korean living in Korea belonged to a Patriotic Group. It typically consisted of a few households, led by a Patriotic Group leader, who normally acted as a mini-tyrant micromanaging the lives of everyone within the Patriotic Group. That included things like rationing food and goods, enforcing mandatory State Shinto prayer times and shrine visits, ‘volunteering’ laborers upon the colonial regime’s request, arranging marriages, holding mandatory Japanese language classes, spying on each other, etc.

Gyeongseong Ilbo (Keijo Nippo) December 21, 1943

Tomorrow's posture to win through to victory

A Focus on Eating Habits (4)

Waiting in line for goods destroys your health!

Don't double or triple your purchases!

Sugar and Sweet Snacks Edition

Sugar is one of the most popular food essentials that are being rationed at stores. Sugar is currently being sold freely under the autonomous control of each retailer, but each vendor issues a ration book to each household and valued customer, and distributes rations based on the number of family members. There are some regions where families receive regular monthly rations of sugar, while families in other regions cannot get their hands on sugar for close to two or three months at a time. Among them, some families receive ration books from two or three different suppliers and double- or triple-dip into the sugar supply.

Sugar is one of the most important foods in terms of nutritional glucose intake, not to mention seasoning, so in order to correct this harmful market situation, Seoul authorities are strictly enforcing the ban on double and triple rationing of sugar to prevent exploiters from taking advantage of the situation. Authorities are also reducing sugar rations to some households while increasing sugar rations to others by taking into consideration the number of family members and their living conditions. The draft to implement such policies has recently been completed and is being submitted to the Governor-General's Office, but it is not expected to be realized until the next year. When the sugar rations to some households are reduced to resolve the problems with the distribution of sweet snacks, which is currently the subject of much public criticism, then the concerns of families with children will be assuaged.

For a long time now, there have been calls about the difficulties in obtaining sweet snacks in general. There was a tragic story of a mother with an infant who was forced to stand in line for several hours at a snack store on a frosty morning along Honmachi Avenue to obtain one cookie for her child, only to collapse from anemia. Families with lots of free time and people could run all over town to get a cookie, but this meant that families with young children who wanted to give them snacks but did not have the time to shop around for sweet snacks would never be able to get any. These sweet snacks are left to retailers to sell freely. Because these are things that everyone wants, there are growing rumors that supplies are being diverted and sold on the black market. That is why sweet snacks are actually not being distributed to ordinary households.

When we asked Mr. Saburō Satō, director of the Seoul Confectionery Industry Association, about the state of sweet snack production, we found that the rationed supplies of sugar, the main ingredient of sweet snacks, were 18% of what manufacturers had in 1938 and 1939, when there was an abundant surplus of sweet snacks, but he insisted that supplies of the main ingredient were not that scarce.

There is no large-scale import of sweet snacks from mainland Japan at all. In addition, due to the decrease in the supplies of the ingredients, the decline in the manufacturing of sweet snacks has been larger than the decline in the supplies of sugar, the main ingredient. Each retailer sells to the general public in accordance with the guidelines of proper distribution based on actual consumption as determined by the authorities. However, because freely selling sweet snacks to people lined up at a storefront would cause problems, a registration system has been introduced and tickets have been distributed. One interesting phenomenon is that people who usually drank alcoholic beverages and did not eat sweet snacks have recently begun to eat lots of sweet snacks, which has shifted household demand towards sweet snacks, and increased the number of sugar consumers.

In terms of sweet snack production, the allocated raw materials are properly distributed to each producer, but since most sweet snacks retailers are also engaged in the production of sweet snacks themselves, things would probably run more smoothly if producers and retailers were clearly delineated in the distribution system.

We asked Mr. Kichiheijirō Nagamoto, the founding committee chairman of the Seoul Confectionery Retailers Association who has worked tirelessly to organize the association, about where to set the appropriate standards for the distribution of sweet snacks, and how families with children who are currently not registered with any retailers can buy sweet snacks.

I hear that sweet snacks are hard to come by, but I don't think there are any households in Seoul that don't eat sweet snacks at all. Each retailer makes their own sweet snacks in-house, and because there is no clear system set in place by the association, it is not possible to plan production. Individual stores make and sell a variety of sweet snacks from ingredients that they receive, but the registration system seems to be the most popular with the consumers. Although it is not possible to immediately distribute sweet snacks upon receipt of a postcard or verbal request, we try to distribute them in one or two months upon receipt of an order, and tickets are issued to those who visit the store in the morning.

If a strong retailers association could be formed, if we were not dependent only on small individual manufacturers, and if we could also receive wholesale orders from large factories, then it would be much easier for consumers to obtain the products. The retailers association could make an agreement to distribute to consumers in each district, or distribute to schools and labor centers on a priority basis, or survey families with children through the Patriotic Groups and distribute to them on a priority basis. However, if individual suppliers freely connect with consumers, as is the case today, there will be people who double or triple their purchases.

Therefore, it is essential to plan production and ration accurately. For example, it is the mission of confectionery merchants in wartime to stop sticking to traditional ways of doing business, and produce many popular sweet snacks and ration them in various settings. Even when rationing to preferred customers, it would be unbalanced to ration based on past patterns of extravagant consumption.

Even when consumers order supplies through verbal requests or by postcards, they are often coldly turned down, and so they turn to the black market to obtain tickets. How are sweet snack stores in the Seoul area issuing snack tickets?

If they sell snacks in the store, people will line up to buy them, and if they offer tickets at a certain time, people will also line up to buy them. Some stores will give out sweet snacks twice a month if you bring in your rice ration book, while others will sell sweet snacks if you bring in hard currency, and so on, which has led to complaints about snack retailers. Oftentimes, families with free time and people can walk around town and obtain supplies. If you want something, others want it, too, so unless people can show restraint by buying one item instead of two, and buying once instead of twice, there will be no end to the shortages of sweet snacks.

Therefore, it would be more fair to have a registration system for consumers of sweet snacks in all of Seoul, and to link consumers to snack retailers by district. In wartime, sweet snacks are a source of nutrition for infants and a source of comfort for production warriors, so the cooperation of the general public is desired to focus distribution accordingly. We believe things will continue as they are now, unless the authorities take appropriate measures.

To address the complaints in the city about the unavailability of snacks, the authorities are taking active measures to provide sweet snacks to children who really need them, such by as increasing the amount of raw materials and distributing cookies for infants through the Patriotic Groups. Authorities arranged for a large confectionery factory to produce caramel candy, and distributed them through schools specially to children. A deeper understanding about sweet snacks by the general public is desired. [Photo: A snack store displaying food products in bottles instead of sweet snacks]

Original caption: A snack store displaying food products in bottles instead of sweet snacks.

Source: https://www.archive.org/details/kjnp-1943-12-21

See also the other Keijo Nippo food shortages articles in the same series:

1. 1. Egg and poultry shortages
   2. Fish and seafood shortages
   3. Vegetable shortages
   4. Miso shortages

京城日報　1943年12月21日

勝ち抜くあすの構え

食生活を衝く（４）

体を壊す行列買い

二重、三重買いは止めよ

砂糖・菓子

食品生活必需物資の末端配給で一番注目されているのに砂糖がある。砂糖は現在各小売商の自治統制として自由販売ではあるが、各業者とも従来の華客及びその周辺の各家庭に対して通帳を発行し、家族人員を基準として配給を行っているが、地区的に見て毎月順調に配給を受けている家庭と二ヶ月も三ヶ月近くも砂糖の入手出来ない家庭もあり、中には二、三ヶ所の業者から配給通帳を受けて二重、三重に甘い汁を吸っている者もある。

砂糖は調味料としては勿論、糖分摂取の栄養学上から云っても最も重要な食品の一つでもあるので、こうした弊害の多い現在の市販状態を是正する為、府当局では今後の砂糖の配給には二重、三重と搾取者のつけ込む隙の無いよう厳正を期した上、家族人員の外に生活程度を考慮して、不必要な家庭の配給を減じ、他を増加する方針で先頃原案の作製も終り、総督府に提出中で、実現は明年へ打ち越される模様ではあるが、この砂糖の家庭減量配給が完備すればこれを基準にして、現在囂々の非難の的となっておる菓子類の配給についても光明がともされることになれば、子供をもつ家庭の悩みも解消する訳である。

菓子類の一般入手難が叫ばれる声は久しい。幼児を抱えた母親が霜の深い朝、本町筋の或る菓子屋の店頭で吾が児に与える一片のビスケットを得んものと数時間立たされ貧血してたおれたと云う悲劇もあった。暇と人手の多い家庭ならば街中を駆けまわって手に入れることも出来よう、と云うことは間食させたい盛りの幼児を抱えていても、菓子を買い漁る暇の無い家庭にはいつまで経っても手に入らないと云うことである。小売商の自由販売に任せてある菓子である。誰でもほしい物であるが故に横流れ、闇流しの声も拡がりつつあるのだ。事実菓子は一般家庭へ廻らないのだ。

そこでお菓子の製造状態を打診してみると主原料たる砂糖の配給は菓子の余る豊富な時代であった昭和十三、四年の製造業者の実績の一割八分となっており、主原料からみるとそれ程過少ではないかと、京城菓子工業組合理事佐藤三郎氏に訊ねる。

内地製菓の大量輸入が全然ありません。それに材料の減少で主原料の割より製造は少ない訳です。一般市販については当局の消費実績を基調として適正な配給と云う指針に基いて各小売商は各自販売を行っていますが、店頭に列べて自由に売ったのでは行列買の弊を生じるので登録制になり、切符配布の方法を講じていますが、面白い現象は近頃酒を呑む人で従来甘い物を口にしなかった様な人達も非常に食べる様になったことで、家庭での甘い物の要求が菓子の方へ傾いて来たので、需要者が多くなっているとも云えます。

製造方面では割り当てられた原料を適正に各生産者に廻して作らせていますが、菓子は小売商もほとんど自家製造をやっているため、これを生産者、小売者とはっきり分けるようにでもなれば末端配給の方も円滑に行くのではないでしょうか。

では菓子の末端配給の適正なり基準を何処に置くか、また現在何処の小売商とも結びついていなくて子供を抱えた家庭はどうしたら菓子が買えるようになるかということを、菓子小売商組合結成に尽瘁する京城菓子小売商組合創立委員長本吉兵次郎氏に訊く。

菓子が入手出来ないと聴きますが、府内在住の家庭で菓子を全然食べないと云う家は無いでしょう。各小売商がそれぞれ自家製造をし、又組合制度がはっきりしてない為、計画生産と云う事が行えず、個々の店で入荷した材料で様々な菓子を造って売っていますが、消費者との登録制が最も採られているようです。葉書なり口頭なりで申し込まれても直ちにお渡しすると云うことは出来ませんが、一ヶ月なり二ヶ月後には順繰りに配給が出来る様にし、また切符の発行なども大体午前中来店する方達に差し上げる様にしています。

強力な小売商組合が出来て各自の少ない製造のみに頼らず大きな工場の卸も適正に受ける様になれば、もっと円滑に消費者の手に入るのではないでしょうか。組合の申合せで地区的に消費者を分担するとか、又は学校、労務方面に重点配給をする、又は愛国班を通じて子供のある家庭を調査して優先的に配給するとかですが、現在の様に個々の業者が勝手に消費者と結びついているのでは二重、三重買いをする人もあれば、そんな調子ですからどこの店もいっぱいで全然菓子の手に入らない面も生じてくる訳です。

ですから計画生産をして確実な末端配給をする事が緊要です。たとえば製造する品種にしても従来の暖簾などに執着せず、大衆的菓子を多く造って多方面に廻せる様にすることなども決戦下の菓子商の持つ使命だと考えられます。得意配給などにしても過去の贅沢な消費実績を基にして配給する事はやはり偏在になりましょう。

消費者が葉書なり口頭なりで申し込んでも、にべなく断られたり、切符を得んものと相当の闇中飛躍なども行われているが、現在府内の菓子屋さんはどんな方法で菓子券を出してますか？

店頭販売をすれば行列買いになり、一定時間に切符を出せばこれまた行列を作るでしょう。実際菓子を小売商の悩みもここにある訳ですが、ある店ではお米の通帳を持参すれば月二回位づつ配給する、また一方には回収貨幣を持参すれば菓子を売るとか、実に種々な方法を講じてますが、結局暇のある家庭や手の多い所はそれだけ街を歩き廻って入手する度も多いでしょう。自分も欲しければ人も欲しいのだと二つのものなら一つ、二度買うものなら一度に我慢して貰わない限り、菓子不足の声は絶えないことになります。

ですから全府の菓子消費者を登録制にして貰って地区的に消費者を菓子商と結びつければ、やや公平を期することも出来るのではないでしょうか。決戦下の菓子は乳幼児の栄養補給源又は生産戦士の慰安なり重点的配給に一般消費者の協力が望ましいと考えられますが、当局の善処法を待つより外は、現在のところこの儘の状態が続くのではないでしょうか。

菓子が手に入らないという街の声に対して以上のような答えを得たが、当局としては原料を増配して乳幼児用ビスケットを愛国班を通じて配給させるとか、大きな菓子工場にキャラメルを製らせて、これを学校を通じて児童に特配するとか、本当に菓子を与えなければならぬ子供達には温かい措置を講じているが、一般消費者の菓子への深い理解が望まれる。【写真＝菓子に代ってビン詰め類食品を陳列する菓子屋さんの店頭】